{"id":39363,"date":"2025-04-24T14:57:26","date_gmt":"2025-04-24T12:57:26","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/ulqini-online.com\/sajti\/?p=39363"},"modified":"2025-04-24T15:20:54","modified_gmt":"2025-04-24T13:20:54","slug":"si-nuk-po-e-mbrojne-shqiptaret-malin-e-zi","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/ulqini-online.com\/sajti\/?p=39363","title":{"rendered":"Si (nuk) po e mbrojn\u00eb shqiptar\u00ebt Malin e Zi"},"content":{"rendered":"
\"\"<\/figure>\n\n\n

Ulqinak\u00ebt jan\u00eb ngritur kund\u00ebr \u201cdubaizimit\u201d, procese \u00e7far\u00eb po kalojn\u00eb Serbia e Shqip\u00ebria me kontrata t\u00eb n\u00ebnshkruara nga pushtete q\u00eb jan\u00eb larguar nga identiteti demokratik dhe normat e transparenc\u00ebs e ligjit. Kjo mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb kauz\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00ebr\u00eb vendin dhe demokracin\u00eb n\u00eb t\u00eb<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Nga Veton Surroi*<\/p>\n\n\n\n

1.<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Dy zhvillime po b\u00ebhen n\u00eb Mal t\u00eb Zi brenda k\u00ebtyre pes\u00eb vjet\u00ebve, q\u00eb t\u00eb dyja n\u00eb nj\u00eb form\u00eb a tjetr\u00ebn p\u00ebrcaktojn\u00eb nj\u00eb pjes\u00eb t\u00eb identitetit t\u00eb k\u00ebtij shteti dhe q\u00eb n\u00eb t\u00eb dyja aktor\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00eb peshe specifike po b\u00ebhen shqiptar\u00ebt.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

N\u00eb t\u00eb parin, m\u00eb 2020, \u00e7\u2019\u00ebsht\u00eb e v\u00ebrteta, nuk u b\u00eb i t\u00ebr\u00eb komuniteti shqiptar i k\u00ebtij vendi, por vet\u00ebm nj\u00ebri pjes\u00ebtar i saj, kryeministri Abazoviq. I zgjedhur n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb post si nj\u00eb kompromis i d\u00ebshiruar (a projektuar) mes dy tabor\u00ebve politik\u00eb t\u00eb antagonizuar n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb shtet, t\u00eb atij t\u00eb identifikuar me pushtetin e pakontestuar t\u00eb Gjukanoviqit prej zgjedhjeve t\u00eb para shum\u00ebpartiake dhe atij opozitat n\u00eb t\u00eb identifikuar n\u00eb mas\u00eb bukur t\u00eb madhe me politikat proserbe, kryeministri Abazoviq n\u00eb em\u00ebr t\u00eb Malit t\u00eb Zi n\u00ebnshkroi Marr\u00ebveshjen themeltare mes k\u00ebtij shteti dhe Kish\u00ebs ortodokse serbe.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Edhe po t\u00eb mos kishte qen\u00eb shqiptar, nj\u00eb gjest i k\u00ebtill\u00eb do t\u00eb ishte kund\u00ebrth\u00ebn\u00ebs, p\u00ebr vet\u00eb faktin se kund\u00ebr k\u00ebsaj marr\u00ebveshjeje ishte nj\u00eb pjes\u00eb e konsiderueshme e popullat\u00ebs, e cila n\u00eb zgjedhjet e porsambajtura i kishte fituar pothuajse gjysm\u00ebn e mandateve n\u00eb Kuvend. Fakti se ishte shqiptar nuk ishte ndihmes\u00eb; n\u00eb rastin m\u00eb t\u00eb mir\u00eb ai duhej t\u00eb konsideronte se ishte i paftuar p\u00ebr t\u2019u marr\u00eb me nj\u00eb dokument q\u00eb ka ndikim n\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtjet identitare t\u00eb Malit t\u00eb Zi, relacionin mes kombit malazias dhe atij serb, si dhe relacionin gjithher\u00eb delikat mes pavar\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb k\u00ebtij shteti dhe p\u00ebrpjekjes p\u00ebr dominim nga ana e pushteteve t\u00eb ndryshme t\u00eb Serbis\u00eb.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Imazhi m\u00eb i sh\u00ebmtuar i k\u00ebtij veprimi nuk ishte n\u00ebnshkrimi jopublik i Marr\u00ebveshjes me nj\u00eb delegacion q\u00eb erdhi fshehtazi e i rrethuar me polic\u00eb special\u00eb, por marrja e detyr\u00ebs nga ana e mitropolitit Joanikije n\u00eb nj\u00eb desant me helikopter n\u00eb Cetin\u00eb, s\u00eb bashku me kreun e Kish\u00ebs Ortodokse Serbe, Porfirije, p\u00ebrderisa nj\u00eb num\u00ebr qytetar\u00ebsh malazez\u00eb kund\u00ebrshtonin k\u00ebt\u00eb akt, ngase objektin sakral n\u00eb Cetin\u00eb e konsideronin si pjes\u00eb t\u00eb identitetit t\u00eb vet.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

2.<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Mali i Zi tash ballafaqohet me nj\u00eb sfid\u00eb tjet\u00ebrqysh identitare dhe s\u00ebrish kan\u00eb rol shqiptar\u00ebt. Qeveria e k\u00ebtij vendi ka n\u00ebnshkruar nj\u00eb marr\u00ebveshje strategjike (ndon\u00ebse k\u00ebsaj here jo n\u00eb rrethim t\u00eb policis\u00eb speciale)  me  \u201cEagle Hills\u201d, kompania e njohur e biznesmenit t\u00eb Emirateve t\u00eb Bashkuara Arabe, Mohamed Al Alabbar. K\u00ebsaj here \u00e7\u00ebshtja nuk ka t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb me gjuh\u00ebn, fen\u00eb apo prejardhjen etnike, por megjithat\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb kontest mes qytetar\u00ebve dhe pushtetit p\u00ebr identitetin e Malit t\u00eb Zi. Madje, t\u00eb nj\u00ebr\u00ebs prej \u00e7\u00ebshtjeve ky\u00e7 identitare t\u00eb natyr\u00ebs s\u00eb shtetit, t\u00eb p\u00ebrdorimit t\u00eb begative t\u00eb tij p\u00ebr nevoja t\u00eb qytetar\u00ebve t\u00eb vet.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Beteja ka filluar n\u00eb Ulqin, qytet me shumic\u00eb shqiptare dhe me nj\u00eb tradit\u00eb besimtar\u00ebsh mysliman\u00eb n\u00eb mesin e k\u00ebsaj popullate. Por, p\u00ebr dallim prej f\u00ebrkimeve t\u00eb tjera identitare, ky nuk ka t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb as me p\u00ebrkat\u00ebsin\u00eb etnike e as me \u00e7\u00ebshtje besimi. Komuniteti i Ulqinit, i prir\u00eb nga kryetari i komun\u00ebs, po e kund\u00ebrshtojn\u00eb marr\u00ebveshjen mes Malit t\u00eb Zi dhe \u201cEagle Hills\u201d nisur nga nj\u00eb premis\u00eb e thjesht\u00eb: t\u00eb mirat e Ulqinit duhet t\u00eb shfryt\u00ebzohen ekonomikisht dhe par\u00ebsisht nga ky komunitet. \u201cEagle Hills\u201d pretendon q\u00eb me tok\u00eb t\u00eb falur nga shteti (dhe nxitje t\u00eb tjera fiskale) ta zhvilloj\u00eb Plazhin e Madh; ulqinak\u00ebt pretendojn\u00eb se k\u00ebt\u00eb mund ta b\u00ebjn\u00eb vet\u00eb, madje se jan\u00eb duke e b\u00ebr\u00eb dhe k\u00ebshtu ia sigurojn\u00eb vetes mir\u00ebqenien.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Pyetja t\u00eb cil\u00ebn ulqinak\u00ebt e kan\u00eb shtruar \u00ebsht\u00eb konceptuale: pse t\u00eb japim tok\u00ebn ton\u00eb publike e t\u00eb punojm\u00eb p\u00ebr \u201cEagle Hills\u201d, kur mund t\u00eb punojm\u00eb p\u00ebr familjet e komunitetin ton\u00eb?<\/p>\n\n\n\n

3.<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Pyetja e ulqinak\u00ebve tejkalon komunitetin e tyre dhe, si\u00e7 u pa k\u00ebto dit\u00eb, arriti t\u00eb jet\u00eb nj\u00ebra prej \u00e7\u00ebshtjeve themelore t\u00eb konfliktit politik n\u00eb shtet, madje u integrua edhe n\u00eb konfliktin mes kryeministrit dhe presidentit t\u00eb vet, dikur bashkudh\u00ebtar\u00eb n\u00eb rr\u00ebzimin e pushtetit t\u00eb Gjukanoviqit. 
Madje kjo pyetje e tejkalon edhe vet\u00eb konfliktin politik (q\u00eb mund t\u00eb ket\u00eb burime t\u00eb ndryshme nga e kaluara, p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb edhe \u00e7\u00ebshtjen e Kish\u00ebs). Pyetja ka t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb me natyr\u00ebn e pushtetit dhe t\u00eb vet\u00eb shtetit. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Kontratat e ngjashme \u00e7far\u00eb i ka propozuar \u201cEagle Hills\u201d Malit t\u00eb Zi jan\u00eb n\u00ebnshkruar dhe zbatuar n\u00eb Serbi e Shqip\u00ebri. N\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb dyja qytetar\u00ebt kan\u00eb marr\u00eb vesh pak gj\u00eb nga p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsuesit e tyre (presidentit t\u00eb Serbis\u00eb dhe kryeministrit t\u00eb Shqip\u00ebris\u00eb). Q\u00eb t\u00eb dy lider\u00ebt kan\u00eb shpjeguar pak a shum\u00eb se si investimi nga \u201cEagle Hills\u201d do ta \u201cdubaizoj\u00eb\u201d vendin e tyre – Beogradin me nd\u00ebrtesa t\u00eb larta n\u00eb lum\u00eb e Durr\u00ebsin me nd\u00ebrtesa luksoze p\u00ebrreth ish-portit. Q\u00eb t\u00eb dy lider\u00ebt kan\u00eb l\u00ebn\u00eb jasht\u00eb shpjegimet se p\u00ebrse do dhuruar tok\u00eb e dh\u00ebn\u00eb nxitje taksash, p\u00ebrse natyra jokompetitive e projekteve dhe p\u00ebrse shuma t\u00eb cil\u00ebn do ta fitoj\u00eb shteti brenda 20 vjet\u00ebsh nuk mbulon arsyeshm\u00ebrin\u00eb ekonomike t\u00eb marr\u00ebveshjes. Dhe, q\u00eb t\u00eb gjitha pal\u00ebt kan\u00eb qen\u00eb t\u00eb dakorduara me fshehjen e burimeve t\u00eb financimit, nj\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb q\u00eb mund t\u00eb inkurajonte k\u00ebdo q\u00eb ka para nga kudo e t\u00eb fituara n\u00eb \u00e7far\u00ebdo forme t\u00eb sjell\u00eb, si\u00e7 i konvenon atij dhe t\u00eb jet\u00eb investitor.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Natyra e pushteteve q\u00eb kan\u00eb n\u00ebnshkruar k\u00ebto kontrata me \u201cEagle Hills\u201d ka qen\u00eb dhe \u00ebsht\u00eb duke u larguar n\u00eb form\u00eb konsekuente nga kontrolli demokratik dhe duke u afruar gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb shum\u00eb drejt kontrollit t\u00eb personalizuar, autokracis\u00eb.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

4.<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Beteja e ulqinak\u00ebve tashm\u00eb mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb duke u nd\u00ebrtuar si beteja e Malit t\u00eb Zi p\u00ebr t\u00eb mbrojtur nj\u00ebkoh\u00ebsisht sovranitetin e vet ekonomik dhe t\u00eb natyr\u00ebs demokratike t\u00eb shtetit. K\u00ebtu mund t\u00eb hyj\u00eb edhe mbrojtja e identitetit dhe ekologjis\u00eb s\u00eb vendit; p\u00ebrse Mali i Zi t\u00eb mos i p\u00ebrngjaj\u00eb vetes, por duhet t\u2019i p\u00ebrngjaj\u00eb Dubait?<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Nd\u00ebrsa m\u00eb 2020, nj\u00eb shqiptar u p\u00ebrfshi i paftuar n\u00eb nj\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtje t\u00eb ndjeshme identitare, k\u00ebsaj here nj\u00eb komunitet shqiptar\u00ebsh (n\u00eb mesin e tyre edhe ish-kryeministri Abazoviq) jan\u00eb duke e nd\u00ebrtuar nj\u00eb kauz\u00eb s\u00eb bashku me qytetar\u00ebt e tjer\u00eb t\u00eb k\u00ebtij vendi p\u00ebr mbrojtjen e sovranitetit (ekonomik) t\u00eb Malit t\u00eb Zi. Dhe, kjo kauz\u00eb mund t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb edhe m\u00eb shum\u00eb p\u00ebr sh\u00ebndetin identitar t\u00eb k\u00ebtij shteti.
Beteja vazhdon, e n\u00eb t\u00eb qytetar\u00ebt e Malit t\u00eb Zi mbase do t\u00eb tregojn\u00eb se a mund t\u2019i b\u00ebjn\u00eb ball\u00eb nj\u00eb modeli, i cili forcoi pushtetin gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb jodemokratik n\u00eb Serbi e Shqip\u00ebri.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

*Marr\u00eb nga KohaNet<\/a><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Ulqinak\u00ebt jan\u00eb ngritur kund\u00ebr \u201cdubaizimit\u201d, procese \u00e7far\u00eb po kalojn\u00eb Serbia e Shqip\u00ebria me kontrata t\u00eb n\u00ebnshkruara nga pushtete q\u00eb jan\u00eb larguar nga identiteti demokratik dhe normat e transparenc\u00ebs e ligjit. Kjo mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb kauz\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00ebr\u00eb vendin dhe demokracin\u00eb n\u00eb t\u00eb Nga Veton Surroi* 1. Dy zhvillime po b\u00ebhen n\u00eb Mal t\u00eb Zi brenda […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":39366,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_seopress_robots_primary_cat":"none","_seopress_titles_title":"%%post_title%% %%sep%% %%sitetitle%%","_seopress_titles_desc":"%%post_excerpt%%","_seopress_robots_index":"","footnotes":""},"categories":[2,12],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-39363","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-aktualitet","category-opinione"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/ulqini-online.com\/sajti\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/39363","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/ulqini-online.com\/sajti\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/ulqini-online.com\/sajti\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/ulqini-online.com\/sajti\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/ulqini-online.com\/sajti\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcomments&post=39363"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/ulqini-online.com\/sajti\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/39363\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":39367,"href":"https:\/\/ulqini-online.com\/sajti\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/39363\/revisions\/39367"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/ulqini-online.com\/sajti\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/media\/39366"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/ulqini-online.com\/sajti\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fmedia&parent=39363"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/ulqini-online.com\/sajti\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcategories&post=39363"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/ulqini-online.com\/sajti\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Ftags&post=39363"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}