{"id":29810,"date":"2021-09-07T08:10:37","date_gmt":"2021-09-07T06:10:37","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/ulqini-online.com\/sajti\/?p=29810"},"modified":"2021-09-07T08:10:37","modified_gmt":"2021-09-07T06:10:37","slug":"shteti-dhe-demokracia-pluraliste","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/ulqini-online.com\/sajti\/?p=29810","title":{"rendered":"SHTETI DHE DEMOKRACIA PLURALISTE"},"content":{"rendered":"\n
\"\"<\/a><\/figure><\/div>\n\n\n\n

Nga Nik\u00eb Gashaj<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Qasja pluraliste e shtetit dhe demokracis\u00eb z\u00ebni fill si p\u00ebrgjigje n\u00eb konceptin monist t\u00eb shtetit absolutist q\u00eb dominoi Evrop\u00ebn n\u00eb kalim nga shoq\u00ebria feudale n\u00eb kapitaliste. Karakteristikat kryesore t\u00eb konceptit pluralist t\u00eb shtetit jan\u00eb: a) lirit\u00eb individuale si vlera m\u00eb t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme politike, t\u00eb cilat m\u00eb s\u00eb miri do t\u00eb realizohen, n\u00ebqoft\u00ebse fuqia politike e shtetit disperzohet dhe kufizohet; b)  n\u00ebse respektohet r\u00ebnd\u00ebsia e interesave t\u00eb grupeve sociale n\u00eb shoq\u00ebrit\u00eb e p\u00ebrb\u00ebra, komplekse dhe t\u00eb ndara, t\u00eb cilat i gjejn\u00eb p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsuesit e vet n\u00eb fush\u00ebn e sistemit politik.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Vendi m\u00eb i spikatur n\u00eb teorin\u00eb demokratike t\u00eb shtetit pluralist i takon studiuesit amerikan Robert Dahl, i cili ofroi nj\u00eb model poliarkik t\u00eb shtetit dhe demokracis\u00eb. Ai \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb model n\u00eb t\u00eb cilin vendoset nj\u00eb ekuilib\u00ebr midis sistemit kompetitiv partiak dhe t\u00eb aktiviteteve t\u00eb grupeve t\u00eb shumta t\u00eb interesit n\u00eb nivele t\u00eb ndryshme t\u00eb organizimit shtet\u00ebror n\u00eb nj\u00eb shoq\u00ebri komplekse. Poliarkia \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb model i vendimmarrjes n\u00eb t\u00eb cilin pushteti politik nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb monopolin e nj\u00eb qendre politike, por shp\u00ebrndahet vertikalisht dhe horizontalisht n\u00eb shum\u00eb nivele dhe qendra t\u00eb ndryshme t\u00eb vendimmarrjes. Ajo q\u00eb siguron q\u00eb nj\u00eb model i till\u00eb koherent t\u00eb funksionoj\u00eb me sukses \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb konsensus mbi vlerat liberale t\u00eb kultur\u00ebs politike.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Demokracia \u00ebsht\u00eb vendimi i shumic\u00ebs, i cili \u00ebsht\u00eb kushti i saj i nevojsh\u00ebm, por jo i mjaftuesh\u00ebm. Me gjith\u00eb at\u00eb, ekziston nj\u00eb  mendim se me at\u00eb p\u00ebrfundon demokracia. Por, n\u00ebse do t\u00eb ishte e v\u00ebrtet\u00eb k\u00ebshtu, at\u00ebher\u00eb demokracia do t\u00eb redukohej n\u00eb z\u00ebvend\u00ebsimin e diktatur\u00ebs s\u00eb pakic\u00ebs me diktatur\u00ebn e shumic\u00ebs. Mir\u00ebpo, demokracia \u00ebsht\u00eb mohimi i \u00e7do diktature. Prandaj, p\u00ebrkufizimi duhet t\u00eb plot\u00ebsohet: \u201cVendimmarrja e shumic\u00ebs duke respektuar mendimin e pakic\u00ebs\u201d. Kjo na jep nj\u00eb kusht t\u00eb nevojsh\u00ebm dhe t\u00eb mjaftuesh\u00ebm p\u00ebr ekzistenc\u00ebn e demokracis\u00eb, t\u00eb cil\u00ebn, p\u00ebr hir t\u00eb nj\u00eb sakt\u00ebsie m\u00eb t\u00eb madhe, mund ta quajm\u00eb \u201ckonsensuale\u201d. Ndonj\u00ebher\u00eb e nj\u00ebjta gj\u00eb shprehet me qendrimin:\u201dDemokracia \u00ebsht\u00eb vendimi i shumic\u00ebs, por jo dhe sundimi i shumic\u00ebs\u201d.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Mosrespektimi i mendimit  t\u00eb pakicave \u00ebsht\u00eb ve\u00e7enarisht i rreziksh\u00ebm n\u00eb nj\u00eb mjedis shum\u00ebkomb\u00ebsh dhe\/ose t\u00eb nj\u00eb mjedisi shoq\u00ebror t\u00eb polarizuar. Jodemokracia \u00e7on n\u00eb homogjenizimin komb\u00ebtar, kurse kjo deri te kund\u00ebrth\u00ebniet nacionaliste, nga ku vet\u00ebm nj\u00eb hap \u00e7on n\u00eb intoleranc\u00ebn nacionaliste, urrejtjen e gjajshme me at\u00eb racore dhe p\u00ebrplasjet e p\u00ebrgjakshme. Gjithashtu, jodemokracia \u00e7on n\u00eb polarizim  klasor me pasoja t\u00eb ngjashme. At\u00ebher\u00eb, diskursi racial politik b\u00ebhet i pamundur.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Argumentet logjike nuk vlejn\u00eb m\u00eb asgj\u00eb. Pasionet shfaqen n\u00eb sken\u00ebn publike. Shteti juridik b\u00ebhet disfunkcional dhe z\u00ebvend\u00ebsohet me populiz\u00ebm(\u201cngjarja e popullit\u201d). Dhe e gjith\u00eb kjo krijon nj\u00eb klim\u00eb t\u00eb favorshme p\u00ebr  suksesin e demagog\u00ebve t\u00eb pand\u00ebrgjesh\u00ebm politik\u00eb.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Rezultati p\u00ebrfundimtar \u00ebsht\u00eb konflikti q\u00eb nuk mund t\u00eb parandalohet me ndonj\u00eb bindje racionale. N\u00eb t\u00eb gjitha k\u00ebto, popujt e ish-Jugosllavis\u00eb kan\u00eb mjaft\u00eb p\u00ebrvoj\u00eb historike fatkeqe q\u00eb kushtoi atyre nj\u00eb numer t\u00eb madh jet\u00ebsh dhe nj\u00eb vones\u00eb t\u00eb madhe n\u00eb zhvillimin e qytet\u00ebrimit, kultur\u00ebs dhe prosperitetit ekonomik evropian.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Prandaj, \u00ebsht\u00eb e qart\u00eb se nuk ka t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb, pak a shum\u00eb, me nj\u00eb p\u00ebrkufizim t\u00eb sakt\u00eb akademik t\u00eb demokracis\u00eb, por p\u00ebr nj\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtje ekzistenciale t\u00eb k\u00ebtyre popujve t\u00eb cil\u00ebt historia i ka d\u00ebnuar aq r\u00ebnd\u00eb.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00cbsht\u00eb e pabaz\u00eb teza, se partia e shumic\u00ebs ka t\u00eb drejt\u00eb me i imponua qendrimet e saja n\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet t\u00eb mbivotimit\/majorizimit. N\u00ebse ky \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb mendim i sinqert\u00eb, at\u00ebher\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb keqkuptim i plot\u00eb i problemit. Sepse edhe Hitleri dhe Paveliqi miratuan ligje racore n\u00eb demokracin\u00eb e tyre dhe sipas tyre ata kishin t\u00eb drejt\u00eb t\u00eb d\u00ebrgonin hebrenj n\u00eb kampet e p\u00ebrqendrimit. Natyrisht, askush nuk do ta marr\u00eb seriozisht k\u00ebt\u00eb logjik\u00eb. Kishte nj\u00eb demokraci t\u00eb shumic\u00ebs edhe n\u00eb Mbret\u00ebrin\u00eb e Jugosllavis\u00eb, dhe qeveria gjithmon\u00eb fitonte zgjedhjet. \u201cDemokracit\u00eb\u201d e tilla t\u00eb fitores m\u00eb n\u00eb fund \u00e7uan n\u00eb nj\u00eb shp\u00ebrthim shoq\u00ebror, i cili ishte gjithashtu i duksh\u00ebm n\u00eb revolucionin 1941-1945. Gjithashtu, pozicioni \u00ebsht\u00eb politikisht i papranuesh\u00ebm n\u00ebse demokracia e shumic\u00ebs reduktohet n\u00eb nj\u00eb vot formale n\u00eb zgjedhje. \u00cbsht\u00eb e njohur se Millosheviqi fitoi 2\/3 e votave n\u00eb Serbi n\u00eb zgjedhje, dhe Sadam Huseini, n\u00eb Irak m\u00eb shum\u00eb se 90%. P\u00ebrkund\u00ebr k\u00ebsaj, e gjith\u00eb bota moderne u trondit nga k\u00ebto dy demokraci.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00cbsht\u00eb e qart\u00eb se n\u00eb t\u00eb ashtuquaturat shoq\u00ebrit\u00eb pluraliste q\u00eb jan\u00eb t\u00eb pranishme ndarjet fetare, ideologjike, gjuh\u00ebsore, etnike, sundimi i shumic\u00ebs nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb mekaniz\u00ebm adekuat i sistemit politik, sepse k\u00ebto grupe mund t\u00eb  ndjehen t\u00eb p\u00ebrjashtuara dhe t\u00eb diskriminuara dhe mund t\u00eb humbin lojalitetin ndaj shtetit. Gjegj\u00ebsisht, demokracia e shumic\u00ebs dhe sundimi i gjat\u00eb i shumic\u00ebs n\u00eb shoq\u00ebrit\u00eb q\u00eb jan\u00eb thell\u00ebsisht t\u00eb ndara, \u00e7on n\u00eb diktatur\u00ebn e shumic\u00ebs dhe mosmarr\u00ebveshjen civile, dhe jo n\u00eb demokraci dhe drejt\u00ebsi etnokulturore.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Aristoteli ishte i pari q\u00eb e paraqiti k\u00ebt\u00eb problem, dhe m\u00eb von\u00eb u b\u00eb i njohur si \u201ctirania e shumic\u00ebs\u201d, e cila \u00ebsht\u00eb jasht\u00ebzakonisht e r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme p\u00ebr tem\u00ebn ton\u00eb. K\u00ebshtu edhe mendimtar\u00ebt e lasht\u00eb antik\u00eb besonin se n\u00ebse shumica vendos, duke marr\u00eb parasysh vet\u00ebm interesin e asaj shumic\u00eb( dhe jo, pra dhe p\u00ebr interesin e pakic\u00ebs s\u00eb mbetur), at\u00ebher\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb form\u00eb e prishur, e \u00e7roditur, apo e korruptuar e qeverisjes.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Nga shekulli i 18-t\u00eb, rreziku i tiranis\u00eb s\u00eb shumic\u00ebs filloi t\u00eb theksohej gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb shum\u00eb,  dhe n\u00eb lidhje me at\u00eb, p\u00ebr t\u00eb drejtat e pakicave – politike, fetare, interesi, etj. Mbi t\u00eb drejtat e pakicave si mjet p\u00ebr t\u00eb parandaluar \u201ctiranin\u00eb e shumic\u00ebs\u201d tashm\u00eb ka treguar Xhems Medison, i cili ka parashtruar pyetjen, a do t\u00eb thot\u00eb se vendimi i shumic\u00ebs \u00ebsht\u00eb i drejt\u00eb, p\u00ebr arsye se gjith\u00ebmon ka nj\u00eb p\u00ebrmbajtje t\u00eb drejt\u00eb apo p\u00ebr shkak se me shumic\u00eb gjith\u00ebnj\u00eb shkon forca. Meqen\u00ebse, nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb pranua q\u00eb forca t\u00eb p\u00ebrb\u00ebj t\u00eb drejt\u00ebn, at\u00ebher\u00eb ajo q\u00eb p\u00ebrpjeket shumica nuk duhet t\u00eb jet\u00eb gjithmon e drejt\u00eb. Franc Nojman shkruan n\u00eb nj\u00eb vend, se e keqja e mb\u00ebshtetur nga shumica nuk b\u00ebhet e mir\u00eb, por e keqe e madhe.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

P\u00ebrfundim: N\u00eb shtetet e Ballkanit Per\u00ebndimor, prandaj dhe n\u00eb shtetet shqiptare: Shqip\u00ebri dhe Kosov\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb i nevojsh\u00ebm nd\u00ebrtimi i sistemit politik mbi baza t\u00eb thella demokratike dhe funksionale. Pik\u00ebrisht, nj\u00eb rol t\u00eb till\u00eb e ka demokracia pluraliste, jo vet\u00ebm n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb formale-juridike, por edhe n\u00eb realitet apo fakticitet. Mir\u00ebpo, p\u00ebr at\u00eb duhet t\u00eb krijohet nj\u00eb mir\u00ebkuptim shoq\u00ebroro-politik, dometh\u00ebn\u00eb nj\u00eb ambient m\u00eb i mir\u00eb dhe m\u00eb i p\u00ebrshtatsh\u00ebm socio-kulturor dhe politiko-demokratik.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Nga Nik\u00eb Gashaj Qasja pluraliste e shtetit dhe demokracis\u00eb z\u00ebni fill si p\u00ebrgjigje n\u00eb konceptin monist t\u00eb shtetit absolutist q\u00eb dominoi Evrop\u00ebn n\u00eb kalim nga shoq\u00ebria feudale n\u00eb kapitaliste. Karakteristikat kryesore t\u00eb konceptit pluralist t\u00eb shtetit jan\u00eb: a) lirit\u00eb individuale si vlera m\u00eb t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme politike, t\u00eb cilat m\u00eb s\u00eb miri do t\u00eb realizohen, n\u00ebqoft\u00ebse […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":14722,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_seopress_robots_primary_cat":"","_seopress_titles_title":"","_seopress_titles_desc":"","_seopress_robots_index":"","footnotes":""},"categories":[2,12],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-29810","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-aktualitet","category-opinione"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/ulqini-online.com\/sajti\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/29810","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/ulqini-online.com\/sajti\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/ulqini-online.com\/sajti\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/ulqini-online.com\/sajti\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/ulqini-online.com\/sajti\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcomments&post=29810"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/ulqini-online.com\/sajti\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/29810\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":29811,"href":"https:\/\/ulqini-online.com\/sajti\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/29810\/revisions\/29811"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/ulqini-online.com\/sajti\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/media\/14722"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/ulqini-online.com\/sajti\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fmedia&parent=29810"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/ulqini-online.com\/sajti\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcategories&post=29810"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/ulqini-online.com\/sajti\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Ftags&post=29810"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}