{"id":22092,"date":"2019-03-14T22:27:22","date_gmt":"2019-03-14T21:27:22","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/ulqini-online.com\/sajti\/?p=22092"},"modified":"2019-03-17T08:34:02","modified_gmt":"2019-03-17T07:34:02","slug":"portret-i-nje-shteti","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/ulqini-online.com\/sajti\/?p=22092","title":{"rendered":"Portret i nj\u00eb shteti"},"content":{"rendered":"\n
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P<\/em><\/strong>Autore: Drita Llolla<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

N\u00eb v\u00ebshtrimin\ne ontologjis\u00eb, realiteti \u00ebsht\u00eb fenomen relativ. N\u00eb baz\u00eb t\u00eb k\u00ebtij konstatimi, themi\nq\u00eb nuk ekziston nj\u00eb realitet i vet\u00ebm, por realitete t\u00eb ndrysh\u00ebm q\u00eb\nbashk\u00ebjetojn\u00eb. N\u00ebse i qasemi me k\u00ebt\u00eb frym\u00eb p\u00ebrshkrimit t\u00eb identitetit malazez,\nduke u bazuar n\u00eb analiza t\u00eb mir\u00ebfillta t\u00eb proceseve shoq\u00ebrore, kohore dhe historike,\narrijm\u00eb n\u00eb p\u00ebrfundimin se identiteti malazez \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb konstrukt i shtres\u00ebzuar apo\nnj\u00eb bashk\u00ebsi e realiteteve q\u00eb e p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsojn\u00eb. Ky konstatim sot p\u00ebrb\u00ebn\nkarakteristik\u00ebn emblematike t\u00eb Malit t\u00eb Zi, multikulturalizmin, t\u00eb faktuar n\u00eb\nKushtetut\u00eb, Konventat nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare t\u00eb ratifikuara dhe ligjin p\u00ebr t\u00eb drejtat\ndhe lirit\u00eb e pakicave. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Gjeneza<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Interesi\np\u00ebr ta studiuar n\u00eb t\u00ebr\u00ebsi kompleksitetin e identiteteve kulturore lindi me\nshfaqjen e komuniteteve transnacionale, ku multikulturalizmi ndikoi n\u00eb nivel\npersonal, n\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet nd\u00ebrpersonale, e rrjedhimisht kolektive, n\u00eb\nperceptimin dhe reflektimin mbi identitetin; Kush jam\/jemi dhe \u00e7far\u00eb vlerash\np\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsoj\/m\u00eb?<\/em> Shoq\u00ebria malazeze, q\u00eb n\u00eb koh\u00ebrat e organizimit primitiv\nshoq\u00ebror, njihet me konceptin e identitetit t\u00eb shtres\u00ebzuar. Mendohet se gjith\u00e7ka filloi me\nmpleksjen midis fiseve t\u00eb sllav\u00ebve t\u00eb jugut dhe shqiptar\u00ebve. Goj\u00ebdh\u00ebnat\npopullore sugjerojn\u00eb se disa fise malazeze jan\u00eb produkte t\u00eb deg\u00ebzimit t\u00eb v\u00ebllaz\u00ebrimeve\nmidis serb\u00ebve dhe shqiptar\u00ebve. Jan\u00eb p\u00ebrshkruar l\u00ebvizjet e barinjve t\u00eb Shqip\u00ebris\u00eb\ns\u00eb Veriut dhe t\u00eb Zet\u00ebs gjat\u00eb gjith\u00eb Mesjet\u00ebs, si rrjedhoj\u00eb e t\u00eb cilave u\nkrijuan marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnie fisnore q\u00eb prisnin kufij fetar\u00eb dhe etnik\u00eb. Nga ky\nk\u00ebndv\u00ebshtrim, me interes t\u00eb ve\u00e7ant\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb studimi i trash\u00ebgimis\u00eb kulturore p\u00ebr\nt\u00eb kuptuar m\u00eb mir\u00eb identitetin e shtres\u00ebzuar malazez. Nd\u00ebrkaq, Ballkani njihet\nn\u00eb histori si vend i shk\u00ebbimeve midis popujve, ku m\u00eb tipiket ishin lidhjet mes\nfamiljeve princ\u00ebrore t\u00eb periudh\u00ebs s\u00eb Mesjet\u00ebs. Ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht, bien n\u00eb sy martesat\ne p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsues\u00ebve t\u00eb tre brezave t\u00eb familjes sundimtare t\u00eb Zet\u00ebs, Gjuragj,\nStefan dhe Ivan Crnojeviqit, me t\u00eb bijat e Zahariajve, Kastriot\u00ebve dhe\nArianit\u00ebve. Historia e shenjtores Angjelin\u00eb, vajz\u00ebs s\u00eb fisnikut dhe prij\u00ebsit\nshqiptar me kryeqend\u00ebr n\u00eb Kanin\u00eb, Gjergj Arianitit, e cila u martua me despotin\nserb, Stefan Brankoviqin, \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr rast i cili d\u00ebshmon nd\u00ebrthurjet dinastike\nn\u00eb kat\u00ebr an\u00ebt e horizontit ballkanik, si dhe shtrirjen gjeografike, t\u00eb\ngjithanshme t\u00eb lidhjeve midis serb\u00ebve dhe shqiptar\u00ebve. Martesat politike kan\u00eb\nforcuar aleanc\u00ebn, e cila, supozohet se ka qen\u00eb kund\u00ebrp\u00ebrgjigje ndaj ndryshimit\nrr\u00ebnj\u00ebsor, kulturor q\u00eb po i kanosej struktur\u00ebs s\u00eb rajonit me ardhjen e\nPerandoris\u00eb Osmane. Bes\u00eblidhja e Lezh\u00ebs n\u00eb vitin 1444, ku mori pjes\u00eb edhe Stefan\nCrnojeviqi, s\u00eb bashku me djemt\u00eb e tij, Gjergjin dhe Gjonin (Ivani), mund t\u00eb konsiderohet\nnj\u00eb ngjarje p\u00ebrbashkuese n\u00eb luft\u00ebn p\u00ebr liri. Mir\u00ebpo, diskursi mbizot\u00ebrues i\nligj\u00ebrimit akademik dhe publik sot k\u00ebmb\u00ebngul q\u00eb t\u00eb anashkalohet perspetiva\nhistorike e \u201cfuzionimit\u201d<\/em> t\u00eb serb\u00ebve\ndhe shqiptar\u00ebve, duke mos e p\u00ebrdorur si pik\u00ebnisje p\u00ebr ta zb\u00ebrthyer dhe\nshpjeguar identitetin e shtres\u00ebzuar malazez. P\u00ebrkundrazi, \u201cdikotomia\ninstitucionale malazeze \u00ebsht\u00eb shfaqur n\u00eb dy forma; p\u00ebrmes p\u00ebrpjekjes p\u00ebr t`i\nqendruar pran\u00eb rr\u00ebnj\u00ebve dhe vatr\u00ebs serbe, ose e kund\u00ebrta e saj, p\u00ebr ta afirmuar\nshkenc\u00ebrisht identitetin nj\u00ebmij\u00eb-vje\u00e7ar malazez\u201d.<\/em> (Vojvodiq, 2016)<\/em> N\u00eb kund\u00ebrshtim t\u00eb dy hipotezave t\u00eb m\u00ebsip\u00ebrme dhe\nq\u00ebndrimeve t\u00eb konsumuara, vijon konstatimi se \u201dgrupet etnike dhe kulturat\nnuk kan\u00eb qen\u00eb asnj\u00ebher\u00eb entitete me koh\u00ebzgjatje t\u00eb pafundme kohore, as me nj\u00eb\nvet\u00ebp\u00ebrcaktim t\u00eb krijuar n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb pavarur nga kontaktet me jasht\u00eb.\u201d (Doja,\n2009:153) <\/em>Rrjedhimisht, kuptimi i identitetit malazez si nj\u00eb produkt i\nshkall\u00ebs m\u00eb t\u00eb lart\u00eb t\u00eb nd\u00ebrveprimit midis grupeve etinike nuk synon zhdukjen\napo \u00e7b\u00ebrjen e tij, por p\u00ebrshkrimin e sakt\u00eb t\u00eb natyr\u00ebs s\u00eb tij. Ky aspekt p\u00ebrb\u00ebn\nvler\u00ebn thelb\u00ebsore t\u00eb karakterit t\u00eb depozituar t\u00eb tij sot. Me q\u00ebllim portretizimin e\nsakt\u00eb t\u00eb Malit t\u00eb Zi, e shikoj si nj\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtje me r\u00ebnd\u00ebsi t\u00eb ve\u00e7ant\u00eb, risjelljen\nn\u00eb v\u00ebmendjen publike dhe hapjen e diskutimit rreth k\u00ebtij dimensioni historik,\nbazuar n\u00eb vler\u00ebsimin mbi baza konkrete t\u00eb historis\u00eb, marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve dhe lidhjeve\nnd\u00ebrshekullore midis malazez\u00ebve dhe shqiptar\u00ebve. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb, kontribuojm\u00eb\nq\u00eb trash\u00ebgimia historike e s\u00eb kaluares t\u00eb shnd\u00ebrrohet n\u00eb nj\u00eb kapital t\u00eb\nr\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm t\u00eb s\u00eb tashmes. P\u00ebr m\u00eb tep\u00ebr, t\u00eb nd\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsohesh rreth unitetit\ndinamik t\u00eb Malit t\u00eb Zi do t\u00eb thot\u00eb t\u2019ja pranosh karakterin sintetik t\u00eb nj\u00eb qytet\u00ebrimi europian<\/em>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Aspekti fetar dhe gjuh\u00ebsor<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

I gjendur\nn\u00eb vij\u00ebn ndar\u00ebse midis Per\u00ebndimit dhe Lindjes, n\u00eb aspektin gjeografik, politik,\nfetar dhe at\u00eb kulturor, Ballkani ka qen\u00eb gjithmon\u00eb vat\u00ebr e p\u00ebrplasjeve t\u00eb forta ideologjike. Periudha\ne pushtimit osman ka shkaktuar ndryshimet m\u00eb t\u00eb thella shoq\u00ebrore dhe kulturore\nn\u00eb hap\u00ebsir\u00ebn e tij, t\u00eb cilat diktuan ashp\u00ebrsimin e strategjive t\u00eb njejt\u00ebsimit\ndhe t\u00eb ruajtjes s\u00eb kufijve etnik\u00eb. Tek serb\u00ebt, koncepti i komb\u00ebsis\u00eb vijon t\u00eb\njet\u00eb ngusht\u00ebsisht i lidhur me fen\u00eb, k\u00ebshtu q\u00eb, si sot edhe at\u00ebmot, \u201cetnicizimi i fes\u00eb\u201d<\/em> p\u00ebr serb\u00ebt ishte nj\u00eb\nm\u00ebnyr\u00eb e p\u00ebrcaktimit t\u00eb kufijve etnik\u00eb. Shoq\u00ebria bashkohej rreth nj\u00eb patriarku,\npra organizohej dhe sillej rreth figurave at\u00ebrore. Kjo ka ndikuar q\u00eb p\u00ebrpjekja\np\u00ebr ta orientuar vet\u00ebdijen shoq\u00ebrore drejt funksionimit dhe veprimit brenda\nkornizave t\u00eb nj\u00eb shteti ligjor t\u00eb p\u00ebrballet me rezistenc\u00eb t\u00eb gj\u00ebr\u00eb dhe ndodh\npik\u00ebrisht p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb rr\u00ebnj\u00ebve gj\u00ebr\u00ebsisht t\u00eb p\u00ebrhapura t\u00eb moralit patriarkal. M\u00ebnyra e dyfisht\u00eb e ushtrimit t\u00eb pushtetit mbizot\u00ebron kultur\u00ebn politike,\nku praktikat r\u00ebnduese burokratike dhe arbitrariteti p\u00ebrdoren p\u00ebr t\u2019i bllokuar\nefektivisht idet\u00eb at\u2019sfiduese. Mir\u00ebpo, dhe pse i p\u00ebrshfaqur n\u00eb forma t\u00eb\nndryshme, morali patriarkal \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb karakteristik\u00eb e t\u00eb gjith\u00eb popujve t\u00eb\nrajonit t\u00eb Ballkanit Per\u00ebndimor. Jet\u00ebgjat\u00ebsia e tij nuk p\u00ebrb\u00ebn \u00e7udi, pasi\nshoq\u00ebrit\u00eb e organizuara sipas modelit patriarkal n\u00eb momentin q\u00eb privohen nga\nprania e kryepushtetarit apo babait, shnd\u00ebrrohen n\u00eb sisteme entropike n\u00eb rrezik\nq\u00eb t\u2019i n\u00ebnshtrohen kaosit. Fal\u00eb historis\u00eb s\u00eb pasur me konflikte, frika jon\u00eb nga\nrreziku i kaosit q\u00eb do t\u00eb prodhonte ndryshimi i status quo-s<\/em>\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb kthyer n\u00eb paranoj\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrgjithshme. P\u00ebr t\u2019i shp\u00ebtuar kaosit, babai apo kryepushtetari, vepron n\u00eb drejtim t\u00eb\n\u201cmateries entropike\u201d, p\u00ebr t\u00eb v\u00ebn\u00eb rregull dhe kanalizuar energjin\u00eb e cila, n\u00eb\nfakt, prodhohet nga vet\u00eb ai. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ndryshe\nnga serb\u00ebt, shqiptar\u00ebt kan\u00eb p\u00ebrdorur nj\u00eb strategji tjet\u00ebr n\u00eb p\u00ebrcaktimin e\nkufijve etnik\u00eb. Shqiptar\u00ebt\nnjihen bot\u00ebrisht si populli i lasht\u00eb, ilir dhe i krishter\u00eb. Akademiku i shquar shqiptar\u00eb\nAlban Doja i cili e ka studiuar n\u00eb thell\u00ebsi \u00e7\u00ebshtjen\ne p\u00ebrdorimin politik t\u00eb fes\u00eb n\u00eb rind\u00ebrtimin e identiteve, nga ku \u00ebsht\u00eb\nfrym\u00ebzuar ky segment i k\u00ebtij shkrimi, nd\u00ebr t\u00eb tjera shprehet\nn\u00eb lidhje me rastin shqiptar\u00eb se \u201cme\nperandorin\u00eb bizantine ata hyn\u00eb gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb tep\u00ebr n\u00eb orbit\u00ebn e krisht\u00ebrimit t\u00eb\nLindjes, p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb pozicionit t\u00eb tyre gjeografik, si edhe p\u00ebr rrjedhoj\u00eb\narsyesh t\u00eb ndryshme politike dhe historike, ja arrit\u00ebn t\u2019a ruajn\u00eb prapavij\u00ebn\nper\u00ebndimore.\u201d <\/em>N\u00eb vijim ai shpjegon seky fenomen do t\u00eb manifestohej m\u00eb pas ne momente t\u00eb ndryshme p\u00ebrgjat\u00eb historis\u00eb,\nve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht rreth \u00e7\u00ebshtjes s\u00eb identitetit. Me evoluimin e struktur\u00ebs fetare,\nshqiptar\u00ebt refuzuan etnicizimin mbi baz\u00ebn fetare, duke u shnd\u00ebrruar n\u00eb t\u00eb vetmin popull \u201ctransfetar\u201d t\u00eb Ballkanit<\/em>.\nIdentiteti i shqiptar\u00ebve u nd\u00ebrtua kryesisht mbi baz\u00ebn e gjuh\u00ebs. Aq e fort\u00eb ka\nqen\u00eb kjo dukuri, sa u kthye n\u00eb nj\u00eb ideologji t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb mbi themelet e s\u00eb cil\u00ebs\nu zhvillua l\u00ebvizja e Rilindjes Komb\u00ebtare e popillit shqiptar\u00eb, nga mesi i\nshekullit XIX e deri n\u00eb shpalljen e pavar\u00ebsis\u00eb n\u00eb vitin 1912. Fryma rilindase\nmb\u00ebshtetej n\u00eb shtyllat e autonomis\u00eb dhe\npavar\u00ebsis\u00eb, n\u00eb ndjenj\u00ebn e komb\u00ebsis\u00eb, identitetit, individualitetit dhe\ntendenc\u00ebs p\u00ebr t\u00eb kap\u00ebrcyer prirjet e lokalizmit dhe t\u00eb separatizmit patriarkal\nfeudal<\/em>. Prij\u00ebsit e saj ishin elita intelektuale, e cila p\u00ebrpunoi dora-dor\u00ebs\nidet\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb drejtat e kombit, t\u00eb plot\u00ebsuara me ato iluministe p\u00ebr kultur\u00ebn dhe\nzhvillimin ekonomik. N\u00ebse zhvendosim v\u00ebmendjen tek malazez\u00ebt, v\u00ebrejm\u00eb ngjashm\u00ebri\nn\u00eb p\u00ebrpjekjet p\u00ebr t\u2019a ruajtur frym\u00ebn dhe \u201cprapavij\u00ebn per\u00ebndimore\u201d, dhe pse n\u00eb\nnj\u00eb kontekst t\u00eb ndrysh\u00ebm kohor dhe politik. Ajo q\u00eb vlen t\u00eb theksohet \u00ebsht\u00eb se,\nnga aspekti gjuh\u00ebsor, provat e leximit latin t\u00eb periudh\u00ebs s\u00eb Dukl\u00ebs t\u00eb cilat\nruhen ende sot d\u00ebshmojn\u00eb se n\u00eb hap\u00ebsir\u00ebn q\u00eb z\u00eb Mali i Zi sot jan\u00eb p\u00ebrqafuar\nvlerat e qytet\u00ebrimit latin. Alfabeti dhe leximi latin, n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb rast, flet qart\u00eb\nrreth vendimit n\u00eb gjenez\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb zgjedhur rrug\u00ebn e p\u00ebrqafimit t\u00eb vlerave per\u00ebndimore.\nNga ana tjet\u00ebr, dualiteti i identitetit malazez b\u00ebn q\u00eb shoq\u00ebria t\u00eb p\u00ebrballet me\nsfida t\u00eb tjera, ku kryeson p\u00ebrplasja e vazhdueshme me Kish\u00ebn Ortodokse serbe.\nMe an\u00eb t\u00eb tendenc\u00ebs s\u00eb vazhdueshme p\u00ebr t\u00eb sulmuar dhe manipuluar politikisht \u00e7\u00ebshtjen\nidentitare, si edhe duke shprehur qendrime gjithnj\u00eb shpif\u00ebse ndaj proceseve\nintegruese dhe modernizuese t\u00eb Malit t\u00eb Zi, Kisha Ortodokse serbe dhe gjith\u00e7ka\nq\u00eb ajo p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebson sot jan\u00eb kthyer n\u00eb plag\u00ebn kryesore t\u00eb vendit. Kjo b\u00ebn q\u00eb morali\npatriarkal, sot p\u00ebr sot, t\u00eb mbetet i pllakosur, si n\u00eb struktur\u00ebn familjare ashtu\nedhe n\u00eb institucionet e shoq\u00ebris\u00eb malazeze, duke v\u00ebshtir\u00ebsuar kornizat e\nbrishta shtet\u00ebrore dhe progresin e Malit t\u00eb Zi. Margjinalizimi i Kish\u00ebs\nOrtodokse serbe dhe ndikimit t\u00eb saj n\u00eb shoq\u00ebrin\u00eb malazeze p\u00ebrb\u00ebn hapin\nfillestar, pozitiv drejt \u00e7rr\u00ebnjosjes s\u00eb paternalizmit dhe tendencave lindore n\u00eb\nMal t\u00eb Zi.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Realiteti multikulturor i Malit t\u00eb Zi<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

N\u00eb\nhap\u00ebsir\u00ebn kohore gati nj\u00ebqind vje\u00e7are midis dy momenteve historike, vitit 1878,\ni cili sh\u00ebnon njohjen e par\u00eb t\u00eb pavar\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb Malit t\u00eb Zi, si edhe viti 1997,\nt\u00eb cilin do e quaja pik\u00ebnisjen e rrug\u00ebtimit drejt shk\u00ebputjes nga bashkimi shtet\u00ebror\nme Serbin\u00eb dhe ndikimi politik serb, me q\u00ebllim rikthimin e pavar\u00ebsis\u00eb, ndodh\nmbivendosja apo shtres\u00ebzimi i m\u00ebtejsh\u00ebm i identitetit malazez. Produkt i k\u00ebsaj periudhe\n\u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb struktur\u00eb e evoluar multietnike, multikonfesionale dhe\nmultikulturore. Identiteti komb\u00ebtar malazez p\u00ebr gati nj\u00eb shekull konsiderohet\n\u00e7\u00ebshtje kontroverse, ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht n\u00eb syt\u00eb e atyre q\u00eb duan ta njejt\u00ebsojn\u00eb me\nidentitetin serb. Viti 1997 sh\u00ebnon vitin e rizgjimit t\u00eb ndjeshm\u00ebris\u00eb s\u00eb re\nkomb\u00ebtare, shoq\u00ebruar me p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsi specifike ndaj p\u00ebrb\u00ebrjes s\u00eb re\nmultikulturore, multietnike dhe multikonfesionale. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

1997<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Me\nshthurjen e Republik\u00ebs Federale Socialiste t\u00eb Jugosllavis\u00eb (SFRJ-s\u00eb) dhe\nshk\u00ebputjen e nj\u00ebpasnj\u00ebshme t\u00eb republikave gjat\u00eb fillimit t\u00eb viteve \u201890, nis\nrreshtimi i p\u00ebrplasjeve ideologjike dhe sentimentale, me pasoj\u00eb konflikte t\u00eb\nvazhdueshme dhe t\u00eb ashpra nd\u00ebretnike, sulm t\u00eb forcave ushtarake dhe policore ndaj\ncivil\u00ebve, si edhe tentativ\u00eb p\u00ebr spastrim etnik. Ideali v\u00ebllaz\u00ebrim-bashkim<\/em>, shum\u00eb\ni dashur p\u00ebr jugo-nostalgjik\u00ebt, at\u00ebmot dhe sot, dergjej n\u00ebn flak\u00ebt e t\u00ebrbimit\nushtarak, komanduar nga Sllobodan Millosheviqi. Serbis\u00eb iu shemb\u00ebn planet p\u00ebr\nnd\u00ebrtimin e nj\u00eb shteti unitar, me p\u00ebrb\u00ebrje ish-republikat e Jugosllavis\u00eb, i\ncili do t\u00eb funksiononte n\u00ebn komanden e Beogradit. Konflikti \u201cnaiv\u201d i lindur\nfillimisht si pasoj\u00eb e p\u00ebrplasjeve ideologjike, post-komuniste, u p\u00ebrshkall\u00ebzua\nn\u00eb luft\u00eb t\u00eb eg\u00ebr t\u00eb ushtris\u00eb ndaj civil\u00ebve, n\u00eb Bosnj\u00eb dhe Hercegovin\u00eb e n\u00eb\nKroaci. S\u00eb shpejti, do t\u00eb zbulohen planet p\u00ebr spastrimin etnik n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb. Mali\ni Zi n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb moment t\u00eb historis\u00eb s\u00eb p\u00ebrgjakshme t\u00eb Ballkanit u gjend i rrethuar\nnga err\u00ebsira e konflikteve nd\u00ebretnike dhe lufta civile. Ishte vendosm\u00ebria p\u00ebr\nt\u2019i shk\u00ebputur lidhjet me politik\u00ebn destruktive dhe represive serbe, si edhe\nbindja ndaj frym\u00ebs euro-atlantike, \u00e7far\u00eb e shp\u00ebtoi vendin nga lufta e brendshme\ncivile. Millo Gjukanoviq, at\u00eb koh\u00eb nj\u00eb politikan i ri, karizmatik, i dalluar\np\u00ebr nga aft\u00ebsit\u00eb oratorike dhe pragmatizmi q\u00eb e karakterizon edhe sot, vendos\nshk\u00ebputjen e lidhjeve me politik\u00ebn serbe, duke u shnd\u00ebrruar n\u00eb protagonistin\nkryesor t\u00eb kthes\u00ebs historike dhe figur\u00ebn politike q\u00eb ka sh\u00ebnuar historin\u00eb\nmoderne t\u00eb Malit t\u00eb Zi. Populli malazez, dhe pse n\u00eb heshtje, e ruante frym\u00ebn\nper\u00ebndimore dhe d\u00ebshironte integrimet euro-atlantike. K\u00ebt\u00eb e konfirmoi n\u00eb vitin\n1997, duke mb\u00ebshtetur idet\u00eb e liderit t\u00eb saj t\u00eb ri, si edhe m\u00eb von\u00eb duke\nvendosur p\u00ebr t\u2019a vazhduar rrug\u00ebn t\u00eb pavarur, me an\u00eb t\u00eb referendumit t\u00eb\nzhvilluar n\u00eb vitin 2006. Diplomacia e patriarkut t\u00eb ri<\/em> t\u00eb\nMalit t\u00eb Zi funksionoi dhe bazohej te qasja e re q\u00eb ai zgjodhi, p\u00ebr t\u2019a\nrizgjuar ndjenj\u00ebn e p\u00ebrkat\u00ebsis\u00eb komb\u00ebtare, gjithnj\u00eb duke u treguar i kujdessh\u00ebm\nndaj rolit specifik t\u00eb pakicave n\u00eb proceset shtetformuese. Si rrjedhoj\u00eb, pavar\u00ebsia\ne Malit t\u00eb Zi do t\u2019a pasuronte gjeopolitik\u00ebn e rajonit me nj\u00eb realitet t\u00eb ri, mir\u00ebpo procesi i brendsh\u00ebm i\nvet\u00ebdij\u00ebsimit kulturor i shoq\u00ebris\u00eb malazeze, n\u00eb kuptimin e p\u00ebrqafimit t\u00eb\nvlerave p\u00ebrendimore do t\u00eb p\u00ebrb\u00ebnte sfid\u00ebn e radh\u00ebs. Mend\u00ebsia patriarkale, e\np\u00ebrhapur gj\u00ebr\u00ebsisht n\u00eb shoq\u00ebrin\u00eb malazeze, nga nj\u00ebra an\u00eb mund t\u00eb konsiderohet\nrrethan\u00eb favorizuese p\u00ebr Gjukanoviq, n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00ebn se si ndikoi n\u00eb psikologjin\u00eb e\nmas\u00ebs, e dehur dhe e \u201cmahnitur\u201d<\/em> me\nkarizm\u00ebn e tij t\u00eb padiskutueshme. Mir\u00ebpo, nga ana tjet\u00ebr, mend\u00ebsia patriarkale\ndo ta v\u00ebshtir\u00ebsonte suksesin e p\u00ebrpjekjeve p\u00ebr t\u2019a reformuar vendin. Nj\u00eb\nmalazez q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb rritur me frym\u00ebn patriarkale, e ka t\u00eb v\u00ebshtir\u00eb t\u2019i kuptoj\u00eb n\u00eb\nthelb vlerat per\u00ebndimore, si lirit\u00eb themelore dhe t\u00eb drejtat e njeriut, shanset\ne barabarta, shtetin e s\u00eb drejt\u00ebs, barazin\u00eb gjinore, t\u00eb drejtat e minoriteteve.\n<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Sfidat e reja p\u00ebr Malin e Zi<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ballkani Per\u00ebndimor po jeton sot nj\u00eb\nrealitet t\u00eb ri gjeopolitik, ku shumica e vendeve n\u00eb rajon kan\u00eb zgjedhur\nintegrimin n\u00eb BE. An\u00ebtar\u00ebsimi i Malit t\u00eb Zi n\u00eb NATO e qart\u00ebsoi se cilat vende\nt\u00eb rajonit do t\u00eb jen\u00eb prij\u00ebse n\u00eb rrug\u00ebtimin e integrimeve euro-atlantike. Ajo\nq\u00eb duhet theksuar \u00ebsht\u00eb se, tejkalimi i sfidave t\u00eb reja p\u00ebr Malin e Zi nuk\nduhet t\u00eb kthehet n\u00eb nj\u00eb gar\u00eb hapje-mbyllje kapitujsh, por duhet shfryt\u00ebzuar si\nnj\u00eb moment ku reflektohet mbi cil\u00ebsin\u00eb e procesit t\u00eb integrimit. Shoq\u00ebria\nmalazeze ka ende rrug\u00eb t\u00eb gjat\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb n\u00eb tejkalimin e vetes, p\u00ebr t\u00eb\nvendosur bazat e nj\u00eb zhvillimi t\u00eb qendruesh\u00ebm ekonomik, politik dhe kulturor.\nN\u00ebse rryma t\u00eb ndryshme, her\u00eb pas here kan\u00eb dashur t\u00eb ndikojn\u00eb n\u00eb drejtimin\ngjeopolitik t\u00eb vendit, duke e penguar n\u00eb rrug\u00ebn e zhvillimit, ky \u00ebsht\u00eb momenti i\nduhur kur shoq\u00ebria malazeze duhet t\u00eb reflektoj\u00eb dhe t\u00eb jet\u00eb e qart\u00eb rreth\n\u00e7\u00ebshtjes thelb\u00ebsore \u2013 cilat vlera do t\u00eb\np\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsoj\u00eb n\u00eb t\u00eb ardhmen?<\/em> N\u00eb\nk\u00ebrkim t\u00eb p\u00ebrgjigjes, duhet t\u00eb kuptojm\u00eb se edhe n\u00eb\nmomente t\u00eb v\u00ebshtira si ky, kur luhatjet n\u00eb Per\u00ebndim po keqinterpretohen dhe po keqshfryt\u00ebzohen,\nformat e mbrojtjes s\u00eb interesave komb\u00ebtare t\u00eb shoq\u00ebrive per\u00ebndimore nuk\nkusht\u00ebzohen nga patriarkati. Patriotizmi i shoq\u00ebrive p\u00ebrendimore konsiston n\u00eb\nmbrojtjen e institucioneve dhe ndarjen e fuqive mes tyre. T\u00eb jesh patriot do t\u00eb\nthot\u00eb t\u2019i p\u00ebrkushtosh me gjith\u00eb qenien t\u00ebnde ides\u00eb s\u00eb nj\u00eb vendi ku e drejta gjithmon\u00eb\nprevalon mbi patriarkun, ku t\u00eb gjith\u00eb g\u00ebzojn\u00eb shanse t\u00eb barabarta, vendi ku\nbarazia gjinore dhe t\u00eb drejtat e minoriteteve jan\u00eb premis\u00eb e zhvillimeve\ndemokratizuese, pluralizmi i mendimeve, q\u00ebndrimeve, bot\u00ebkuptimeve, llojshm\u00ebris\u00eb\ne kulturave, p\u00ebrceptohen si vlera, dhe jo k\u00ebrc\u00ebnime, dhe t\u00eb tilla mbrohen me\nligj. P\u00ebrb\u00ebrja unike, multikulturore e shoq\u00ebris\u00eb malazeze p\u00ebrb\u00ebn potencialin e\nsaj m\u00eb t\u00eb madh dhe nj\u00eb kapital t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm n\u00eb hart\u00ebn e gj\u00ebr\u00eb europiane. K\u00ebt\u00eb\nduhet ta \u00e7moj\u00eb, pasi nuk jan\u00eb kufijt\u00eb gjeografik ata q\u00eb historikisht kan\u00eb ndar\u00eb\nLindjen nga Per\u00ebndimi. P\u00ebrpara se ta trajtojm\u00eb si \u00e7\u00ebshtje politike, integrimin\ne vlerave per\u00ebndimore duhet ta konsiderojm\u00eb si nj\u00eb proces t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm dhe t\u00eb\nvazhduesh\u00ebm internalizimi<\/em> t\u00eb kultur\u00ebs\nper\u00ebndimore. Pavar\u00ebsisht trash\u00ebgimis\u00eb s\u00eb trazuar historike, ne duhet t\u00eb besojm\u00eb\nthell\u00ebsisht se vlerat p\u00ebrendimore jan\u00eb shtrati ku do t\u00eb rip\u00ebrt\u00ebrihet Mali i Zi.<\/p>\n\n\n\n


\nTeksti \u00ebsht\u00eb shkruar n\u00eb prill, 2018.<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Publikohet p\u00ebr here t\u00eb par\u00eb m\u00eb 13 mars, 2019.<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Autore: Drita Llolla<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

N\u00eb v\u00ebshtrimin\ne ontologjis\u00eb, realiteti \u00ebsht\u00eb fenomen relativ. N\u00eb baz\u00eb t\u00eb k\u00ebtij konstatimi, themi\nq\u00eb nuk ekziston nj\u00eb realitet i vet\u00ebm, por realitete t\u00eb ndrysh\u00ebm q\u00eb\nbashk\u00ebjetojn\u00eb. N\u00ebse i qasemi me k\u00ebt\u00eb frym\u00eb p\u00ebrshkrimit t\u00eb identitetit malazez,\nduke u bazuar n\u00eb analiza t\u00eb mir\u00ebfillta t\u00eb proceseve shoq\u00ebrore, kohore dhe historike,\narrijm\u00eb n\u00eb p\u00ebrfundimin se identiteti malazez \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb konstrukt i shtres\u00ebzuar apo\nnj\u00eb bashk\u00ebsi e realiteteve q\u00eb e p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsojn\u00eb. Ky konstatim sot p\u00ebrb\u00ebn\nkarakteristik\u00ebn emblematike t\u00eb Malit t\u00eb Zi, multikulturalizmin, t\u00eb faktuar n\u00eb\nKushtetut\u00eb, Konventat nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare t\u00eb ratifikuara dhe ligjin p\u00ebr t\u00eb drejtat\ndhe lirit\u00eb e pakicave. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Gjeneza<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Interesi\np\u00ebr ta studiuar n\u00eb t\u00ebr\u00ebsi kompleksitetin e identiteteve kulturore lindi me\nshfaqjen e komuniteteve transnacionale, ku multikulturalizmi ndikoi n\u00eb nivel\npersonal, n\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet nd\u00ebrpersonale, e rrjedhimisht kolektive, n\u00eb\nperceptimin dhe reflektimin mbi identitetin; Kush jam\/jemi dhe \u00e7far\u00eb vlerash\np\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsoj\/m\u00eb?<\/em> Shoq\u00ebria malazeze, q\u00eb n\u00eb koh\u00ebrat e organizimit primitiv\nshoq\u00ebror, njihet me konceptin e identitetit t\u00eb shtres\u00ebzuar. Mendohet se gjith\u00e7ka filloi me\nmpleksjen midis fiseve t\u00eb sllav\u00ebve t\u00eb jugut dhe shqiptar\u00ebve. Goj\u00ebdh\u00ebnat\npopullore sugjerojn\u00eb se disa fise malazeze jan\u00eb produkte t\u00eb deg\u00ebzimit t\u00eb v\u00ebllaz\u00ebrimeve\nmidis serb\u00ebve dhe shqiptar\u00ebve. Jan\u00eb p\u00ebrshkruar l\u00ebvizjet e barinjve t\u00eb Shqip\u00ebris\u00eb\ns\u00eb Veriut dhe t\u00eb Zet\u00ebs gjat\u00eb gjith\u00eb Mesjet\u00ebs, si rrjedhoj\u00eb e t\u00eb cilave u\nkrijuan marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnie fisnore q\u00eb prisnin kufij fetar\u00eb dhe etnik\u00eb. Nga ky\nk\u00ebndv\u00ebshtrim, me interes t\u00eb ve\u00e7ant\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb studimi i trash\u00ebgimis\u00eb kulturore p\u00ebr\nt\u00eb kuptuar m\u00eb mir\u00eb identitetin e shtres\u00ebzuar malazez. Nd\u00ebrkaq, Ballkani njihet\nn\u00eb histori si vend i shk\u00ebbimeve midis popujve, ku m\u00eb tipiket ishin lidhjet mes\nfamiljeve princ\u00ebrore t\u00eb periudh\u00ebs s\u00eb Mesjet\u00ebs. Ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht, bien n\u00eb sy martesat\ne p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsues\u00ebve t\u00eb tre brezave t\u00eb familjes sundimtare t\u00eb Zet\u00ebs, Gjuragj,\nStefan dhe Ivan Crnojeviqit, me t\u00eb bijat e Zahariajve, Kastriot\u00ebve dhe\nArianit\u00ebve. Historia e shenjtores Angjelin\u00eb, vajz\u00ebs s\u00eb fisnikut dhe prij\u00ebsit\nshqiptar me kryeqend\u00ebr n\u00eb Kanin\u00eb, Gjergj Arianitit, e cila u martua me despotin\nserb, Stefan Brankoviqin, \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr rast i cili d\u00ebshmon nd\u00ebrthurjet dinastike\nn\u00eb kat\u00ebr an\u00ebt e horizontit ballkanik, si dhe shtrirjen gjeografike, t\u00eb\ngjithanshme t\u00eb lidhjeve midis serb\u00ebve dhe shqiptar\u00ebve. Martesat politike kan\u00eb\nforcuar aleanc\u00ebn, e cila, supozohet se ka qen\u00eb kund\u00ebrp\u00ebrgjigje ndaj ndryshimit\nrr\u00ebnj\u00ebsor, kulturor q\u00eb po i kanosej struktur\u00ebs s\u00eb rajonit me ardhjen e\nPerandoris\u00eb Osmane. Bes\u00eblidhja e Lezh\u00ebs n\u00eb vitin 1444, ku mori pjes\u00eb edhe Stefan\nCrnojeviqi, s\u00eb bashku me djemt\u00eb e tij, Gjergjin dhe Gjonin (Ivani), mund t\u00eb konsiderohet\nnj\u00eb ngjarje p\u00ebrbashkuese n\u00eb luft\u00ebn p\u00ebr liri. Mir\u00ebpo, diskursi mbizot\u00ebrues i\nligj\u00ebrimit akademik dhe publik sot k\u00ebmb\u00ebngul q\u00eb t\u00eb anashkalohet perspetiva\nhistorike e \u201cfuzionimit\u201d<\/em> t\u00eb serb\u00ebve\ndhe shqiptar\u00ebve, duke mos e p\u00ebrdorur si pik\u00ebnisje p\u00ebr ta zb\u00ebrthyer dhe\nshpjeguar identitetin e shtres\u00ebzuar malazez. P\u00ebrkundrazi, dikotomia\ninstitucionale malazeze \u00ebsht\u00eb shfaqur n\u00eb dy forma; p\u00ebrmes p\u00ebrpjekjes p\u00ebr t`i\nqendruar pran\u00eb rr\u00ebnj\u00ebve dhe vatr\u00ebs serbe, ose e kund\u00ebrta e saj, p\u00ebr ta afirmuar\nshkenc\u00ebrisht identitetin nj\u00ebmij\u00eb-vje\u00e7ar malazez.<\/em> N\u00eb\nkund\u00ebrshtim t\u00eb dy hipotezave t\u00eb m\u00ebsip\u00ebrme dhe q\u00ebndrimeve t\u00eb konsumuara, vijon\nkonstatimi se \u201dgrupet etnike dhe kulturat nuk kan\u00eb qen\u00eb asnj\u00ebher\u00eb entitete me\nkoh\u00ebzgjatje t\u00eb pafundme kohore, as me nj\u00eb vet\u00ebp\u00ebrcaktim t\u00eb krijuar n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb\npavarur nga kontaktet me jasht\u00eb.\u201d <\/em>Rrjedhimisht, kuptimi i\nidentitetit malazez si nj\u00eb produkt i shkall\u00ebs m\u00eb t\u00eb lart\u00eb t\u00eb nd\u00ebrveprimit midis\ngrupeve etinike nuk synon zhdukjen apo \u00e7b\u00ebrjen e tij, por p\u00ebrshkrimin e sakt\u00eb t\u00eb\nnatyr\u00ebs s\u00eb tij. Ky aspekt p\u00ebrb\u00ebn vler\u00ebn thelb\u00ebsore t\u00eb karakterit t\u00eb depozituar\nt\u00eb tij sot. Me\nq\u00ebllim portretizimin e sakt\u00eb t\u00eb Malit t\u00eb Zi, e shikoj si nj\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtje me r\u00ebnd\u00ebsi\nt\u00eb ve\u00e7ant\u00eb, risjelljen n\u00eb v\u00ebmendjen publike dhe hapjen e diskutimit rreth k\u00ebtij\ndimensioni historik, bazuar n\u00eb vler\u00ebsimin mbi baza konkrete t\u00eb historis\u00eb,\nmarr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve dhe lidhjeve nd\u00ebrshekullore midis malazez\u00ebve dhe shqiptar\u00ebve. N\u00eb\nk\u00ebt\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb, kontribuojm\u00eb q\u00eb trash\u00ebgimia historike e s\u00eb kaluares t\u00eb shnd\u00ebrrohet\nn\u00eb nj\u00eb kapital t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm t\u00eb s\u00eb tashmes. P\u00ebr m\u00eb tep\u00ebr, t\u00eb nd\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsohesh\nrreth unitetit dinamik t\u00eb Malit t\u00eb Zi do t\u00eb thot\u00eb t\u2019ja pranosh karakterin sintetik, nj\u00eb qytet\u00ebrimi europian<\/em>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Aspekti fetar dhe gjuh\u00ebsor<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

I gjendur\nn\u00eb vij\u00ebn ndar\u00ebse midis Per\u00ebndimit dhe Lindjes, n\u00eb aspektin gjeografik, politik,\nfetar dhe at\u00eb kulturor, Ballkani ka qen\u00eb gjithmon\u00eb vat\u00ebr e p\u00ebrplasjeve t\u00eb forta ideologjike. Periudha\ne pushtimit osman ka shkaktuar ndryshimet m\u00eb t\u00eb thella shoq\u00ebrore dhe kulturore\nn\u00eb hap\u00ebsir\u00ebn e tij, t\u00eb cilat diktuan ashp\u00ebrsimin e strategjive t\u00eb njejt\u00ebsimit\ndhe t\u00eb ruajtjes s\u00eb kufijve etnik\u00eb. Tek serb\u00ebt, koncepti i komb\u00ebsis\u00eb vijon t\u00eb\njet\u00eb ngusht\u00ebsisht i lidhur me fen\u00eb, k\u00ebshtu q\u00eb, si sot edhe at\u00ebmot, \u201cetnicizimi i fes\u00eb\u201d<\/em> p\u00ebr serb\u00ebt ishte nj\u00eb\nm\u00ebnyr\u00eb e p\u00ebrcaktimit t\u00eb kufijve etnik\u00eb. Shoq\u00ebria bashkohej rreth nj\u00eb patriarku,\npra organizohej dhe sillej rreth figurave at\u00ebrore. Kjo ka ndikuar q\u00eb p\u00ebrpjekja\np\u00ebr ta orientuar vet\u00ebdijen shoq\u00ebrore drejt funksionimit dhe veprimit brenda\nkornizave t\u00eb nj\u00eb shteti ligjor t\u00eb p\u00ebrballet me rezistenc\u00eb t\u00eb gj\u00ebr\u00eb dhe ndodh\npik\u00ebrisht p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb rr\u00ebnj\u00ebve gj\u00ebr\u00ebsisht t\u00eb p\u00ebrhapura t\u00eb moralit patriarkal. M\u00ebnyra e dyfisht\u00eb e ushtrimit t\u00eb pushtetit mbizot\u00ebron kultur\u00ebn politike,\nku praktikat r\u00ebnduese burokratike dhe arbitrariteti p\u00ebrdoren p\u00ebr t\u2019i bllokuar\nefektivisht idet\u00eb at\u2019sfiduese. Mir\u00ebpo, dhe pse i p\u00ebrshfaqur n\u00eb forma t\u00eb\nndryshme, morali patriarkal \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb karakteristik\u00eb e t\u00eb gjith\u00eb popujve t\u00eb\nrajonit t\u00eb Ballkanit Per\u00ebndimor. Jet\u00ebgjat\u00ebsia e tij nuk p\u00ebrb\u00ebn \u00e7udi, pasi\nshoq\u00ebrit\u00eb e organizuara sipas modelit patriarkal n\u00eb momentin q\u00eb privohen nga\nprania e kryepushtetarit apo babait, shnd\u00ebrrohen n\u00eb sisteme entropike n\u00eb rrezik\nq\u00eb t\u2019i n\u00ebnshtrohen kaosit. Fal\u00eb historis\u00eb s\u00eb pasur me konflikte, frika jon\u00eb nga\nrreziku i kaosit q\u00eb do t\u00eb prodhonte ndryshimi i status quo-s<\/em>\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb kthyer n\u00eb paranoj\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrgjithshme. P\u00ebr t\u2019i shp\u00ebtuar kaosit, babai apo kryepushtetari, vepron n\u00eb drejtim t\u00eb\n\u201cmateries entropike\u201d, p\u00ebr t\u00eb v\u00ebn\u00eb rregull dhe kanalizuar energjin\u00eb e cila, n\u00eb\nfakt, prodhohet nga vet\u00eb ai. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ndryshe\nnga serb\u00ebt, shqiptar\u00ebt kan\u00eb p\u00ebrdorur nj\u00eb strategji tjet\u00ebr n\u00eb p\u00ebrcaktimin e\nkufijve etnik\u00eb. Shqiptar\u00ebt\nnjihen bot\u00ebrisht si populli i lasht\u00eb, ilir dhe i krishter\u00eb. Duke qen\u00eb se me perandorin\u00eb bizantine ata hyn\u00eb gjithnj\u00eb e\nm\u00eb tep\u00ebr n\u00eb orbit\u00ebn e krisht\u00ebrimit t\u00eb Lindjes, p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb pozicionit t\u00eb tyre\ngjeografik, si edhe p\u00ebr rrjedhoj\u00eb arsyesh t\u00eb ndryshme politike dhe historike,\nja arrit\u00ebn t\u2019a ruajn\u00eb prapavij\u00ebn per\u00ebndimore. <\/em>Kjo do t\u00eb manifestohej m\u00eb pas\nne momente t\u00eb ndryshme p\u00ebrgjat\u00eb historis\u00eb, ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht rreth \u00e7\u00ebshtjes s\u00eb\nidentitetit. Me evoluimin e struktur\u00ebs fetare, shqiptar\u00ebt refuzuan etnicizimin\nmbi baz\u00ebn fetare, duke u shnd\u00ebrruar n\u00eb t\u00eb\nvetmin popull \u201ctransfetar\u201d t\u00eb Ballkanit<\/em>. Identiteti i shqiptar\u00ebve u nd\u00ebrtua\nkryesisht mbi baz\u00ebn e gjuh\u00ebs. Aq e fort\u00eb ka qen\u00eb kjo dukuri, sa u kthye n\u00eb nj\u00eb\nideologji t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb mbi themelet e s\u00eb cil\u00ebs u zhvillua l\u00ebvizja e Rilindjes\nKomb\u00ebtare e popillit shqiptar\u00eb, nga mesi i shekullit XIX e deri n\u00eb shpalljen e\npavar\u00ebsis\u00eb n\u00eb vitin 1912. Fryma rilindase mb\u00ebshtetej n\u00eb shtyllat e autonomis\u00eb dhe pavar\u00ebsis\u00eb, n\u00eb ndjenj\u00ebn e\nkomb\u00ebsis\u00eb, identitetit, individualitetit dhe tendenc\u00ebs p\u00ebr t\u00eb kap\u00ebrcyer prirjet\ne lokalizmit dhe t\u00eb separatizmit patriarkal feudal<\/em>. Prij\u00ebsit e saj ishin\nelita intelektuale, e cila p\u00ebrpunoi dora-dor\u00ebs idet\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb drejtat e kombit,\nt\u00eb plot\u00ebsuara me ato iluministe p\u00ebr kultur\u00ebn dhe zhvillimin ekonomik. N\u00ebse zhvendosim\nv\u00ebmendjen tek malazez\u00ebt, v\u00ebrejm\u00eb ngjashm\u00ebri n\u00eb p\u00ebrpjekjet p\u00ebr t\u2019a ruajtur\nfrym\u00ebn dhe \u201cprapavij\u00ebn per\u00ebndimore\u201d, dhe pse n\u00eb nj\u00eb kontekst t\u00eb ndrysh\u00ebm kohor dhe\npolitik. Ajo q\u00eb vlen t\u00eb theksohet \u00ebsht\u00eb se, nga aspekti gjuh\u00ebsor, provat e\nleximit latin t\u00eb periudh\u00ebs s\u00eb Dukl\u00ebs t\u00eb cilat ruhen ende sot d\u00ebshmojn\u00eb se n\u00eb\nhap\u00ebsir\u00ebn q\u00eb z\u00eb Mali i Zi sot jan\u00eb p\u00ebrqafuar vlerat e qytet\u00ebrimit latin. Alfabeti\ndhe leximi latin, n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb rast, flet qart\u00eb rreth vendimit n\u00eb gjenez\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb\nzgjedhur rrug\u00ebn e p\u00ebrqafimit t\u00eb vlerave per\u00ebndimore. Nga ana tjet\u00ebr, dualiteti\ni identitetit malazez b\u00ebn q\u00eb shoq\u00ebria t\u00eb p\u00ebrballet me sfida t\u00eb tjera, ku kryeson\np\u00ebrplasja e vazhdueshme me Kish\u00ebn Ortodokse serbe. Me an\u00eb t\u00eb tendenc\u00ebs s\u00eb\nvazhdueshme p\u00ebr t\u00eb sulmuar dhe manipuluar politikisht \u00e7\u00ebshtjen identitare, si edhe\nduke shprehur qendrime gjithnj\u00eb shpif\u00ebse ndaj proceseve integruese dhe\nmodernizuese t\u00eb Malit t\u00eb Zi, Kisha Ortodokse serbe dhe gjith\u00e7ka q\u00eb ajo\np\u00ebrfaq\u00ebson sot jan\u00eb kthyer n\u00eb plag\u00ebn kryesore t\u00eb vendit. Kjo b\u00ebn q\u00eb morali\npatriarkal, sot p\u00ebr sot, t\u00eb mbetet i pllakosur, si n\u00eb struktur\u00ebn familjare ashtu\nedhe n\u00eb institucionet e shoq\u00ebris\u00eb malazeze, duke v\u00ebshtir\u00ebsuar kornizat e\nbrishta shtet\u00ebrore dhe progresin e Malit t\u00eb Zi. Margjinalizimi i Kish\u00ebs\nOrtodokse serbe dhe ndikimit t\u00eb saj n\u00eb shoq\u00ebrin\u00eb malazeze p\u00ebrb\u00ebn hapin\nfillestar, pozitiv drejt \u00e7rr\u00ebnjosjes s\u00eb paternalizmit dhe tendencave lindore n\u00eb\nMal t\u00eb Zi.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Realiteti multikulturor i Malit t\u00eb Zi<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

N\u00eb\nhap\u00ebsir\u00ebn kohore gati nj\u00ebqind vje\u00e7are midis dy momenteve historike, vitit 1878,\ni cili sh\u00ebnon njohjen e par\u00eb t\u00eb pavar\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb Malit t\u00eb Zi, si edhe viti 1997,\nt\u00eb cilin do e quaja pik\u00ebnisjen e rrug\u00ebtimit drejt shk\u00ebputjes nga bashkimi shtet\u00ebror\nme Serbin\u00eb dhe ndikimi politik serb, me q\u00ebllim rikthimin e pavar\u00ebsis\u00eb, ndodh\nmbivendosja apo shtres\u00ebzimi i m\u00ebtejsh\u00ebm i identitetit malazez. Produkt i k\u00ebsaj periudhe\n\u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb struktur\u00eb e evoluar multietnike, multikonfesionale dhe\nmultikulturore. Identiteti komb\u00ebtar malazez p\u00ebr gati nj\u00eb shekull konsiderohet\n\u00e7\u00ebshtje kontroverse, ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht n\u00eb syt\u00eb e atyre q\u00eb duan ta njejt\u00ebsojn\u00eb me\nidentitetin serb. Viti 1997 sh\u00ebnon vitin e rizgjimit t\u00eb ndjeshm\u00ebris\u00eb s\u00eb re\nkomb\u00ebtare, shoq\u00ebruar me p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsi specifike ndaj p\u00ebrb\u00ebrjes s\u00eb re\nmultikulturore, multietnike dhe multikonfesionale. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

1997<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Me\nshthurjen e Republik\u00ebs Federale Socialiste t\u00eb Jugosllavis\u00eb (SFRJ-s\u00eb) dhe\nshk\u00ebputjen e nj\u00ebpasnj\u00ebshme t\u00eb republikave gjat\u00eb fillimit t\u00eb viteve \u201890, nis\nrreshtimi i p\u00ebrplasjeve ideologjike dhe sentimentale, me pasoj\u00eb konflikte t\u00eb\nvazhdueshme dhe t\u00eb ashpra nd\u00ebretnike, sulm t\u00eb forcave ushtarake dhe policore ndaj\ncivil\u00ebve, si edhe tentativ\u00eb p\u00ebr spastrim etnik. Ideali v\u00ebllaz\u00ebrim-bashkim<\/em>, shum\u00eb\ni dashur p\u00ebr jugo-nostalgjik\u00ebt, at\u00ebmot dhe sot, dergjej n\u00ebn flak\u00ebt e t\u00ebrbimit\nushtarak, komanduar nga Sllobodan Millosheviqi. Serbis\u00eb iu shemb\u00ebn planet p\u00ebr\nnd\u00ebrtimin e nj\u00eb shteti unitar, me p\u00ebrb\u00ebrje ish-republikat e Jugosllavis\u00eb, i\ncili do t\u00eb funksiononte n\u00ebn komanden e Beogradit. Konflikti \u201cnaiv\u201d i lindur\nfillimisht si pasoj\u00eb e p\u00ebrplasjeve ideologjike, post-komuniste, u p\u00ebrshkall\u00ebzua\nn\u00eb luft\u00eb t\u00eb eg\u00ebr t\u00eb ushtris\u00eb ndaj civil\u00ebve, n\u00eb Bosnj\u00eb dhe Hercegovin\u00eb e n\u00eb\nKroaci. S\u00eb shpejti, do t\u00eb zbulohen planet p\u00ebr spastrimin etnik n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb. Mali\ni Zi n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb moment t\u00eb historis\u00eb s\u00eb p\u00ebrgjakshme t\u00eb Ballkanit u gjend i rrethuar\nnga err\u00ebsira e konflikteve nd\u00ebretnike dhe lufta civile. Ishte vendosm\u00ebria p\u00ebr\nt\u2019i shk\u00ebputur lidhjet me politik\u00ebn destruktive dhe represive serbe, si edhe\nbindja ndaj frym\u00ebs euro-atlantike, \u00e7far\u00eb e shp\u00ebtoi vendin nga lufta e brendshme\ncivile. Millo Gjukanoviq, at\u00eb koh\u00eb nj\u00eb politikan i ri, karizmatik, i dalluar p\u00ebr\nnga aft\u00ebsit\u00eb oratorike dhe pragmatizmi q\u00eb e karakterizon edhe sot, vendos\nshk\u00ebputjen e lidhjeve me politik\u00ebn serbe, duke u shnd\u00ebrruar n\u00eb protagonistin\nkryesor t\u00eb kthes\u00ebs historike dhe figur\u00ebn politike q\u00eb ka sh\u00ebnuar historin\u00eb\nmoderne t\u00eb Malit t\u00eb Zi. Populli malazez, dhe pse n\u00eb heshtje, e ruante frym\u00ebn\nper\u00ebndimore dhe d\u00ebshironte integrimet euro-atlantike. K\u00ebt\u00eb e konfirmoi n\u00eb vitin\n1997, duke mb\u00ebshtetur idet\u00eb e liderit t\u00eb saj t\u00eb ri, si edhe m\u00eb von\u00eb duke\nvendosur p\u00ebr t\u2019a vazhduar rrug\u00ebn t\u00eb pavarur, me an\u00eb t\u00eb referendumit t\u00eb\nzhvilluar n\u00eb vitin 2006. Diplomacia e patriarkut t\u00eb ri<\/em> t\u00eb\nMalit t\u00eb Zi funksionoi dhe bazohej te qasja e re q\u00eb ai zgjodhi, p\u00ebr t\u2019a\nrizgjuar ndjenj\u00ebn e p\u00ebrkat\u00ebsis\u00eb komb\u00ebtare, gjithnj\u00eb duke u treguar i kujdessh\u00ebm\nndaj rolit specifik t\u00eb pakicave n\u00eb proceset shtetformuese. Si rrjedhoj\u00eb, pavar\u00ebsia\ne Malit t\u00eb Zi do t\u2019a pasuronte gjeopolitik\u00ebn e rajonit me nj\u00eb realitet t\u00eb ri, mir\u00ebpo procesi i brendsh\u00ebm i\nvet\u00ebdij\u00ebsimit kulturor i shoq\u00ebris\u00eb malazeze, n\u00eb kuptimin e p\u00ebrqafimit t\u00eb\nvlerave p\u00ebrendimore do t\u00eb p\u00ebrb\u00ebnte sfid\u00ebn e radh\u00ebs. Mend\u00ebsia patriarkale, e\np\u00ebrhapur gj\u00ebr\u00ebsisht n\u00eb shoq\u00ebrin\u00eb malazeze, nga nj\u00ebra an\u00eb mund t\u00eb konsiderohet\nrrethan\u00eb favorizuese p\u00ebr Gjukanoviq, n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00ebn se si ndikoi n\u00eb psikologjin\u00eb e\nmas\u00ebs, e dehur dhe e \u201cmahnitur\u201d<\/em> me\nkarizm\u00ebn e tij t\u00eb padiskutueshme. Mir\u00ebpo, nga ana tjet\u00ebr, mend\u00ebsia patriarkale\ndo ta v\u00ebshtir\u00ebsonte suksesin e p\u00ebrpjekjeve p\u00ebr t\u2019a reformuar vendin. Nj\u00eb malazez\nq\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb rritur me frym\u00ebn patriarkale, e ka t\u00eb v\u00ebshtir\u00eb t\u2019i kuptoj\u00eb n\u00eb thelb\nvlerat per\u00ebndimore, si lirit\u00eb themelore dhe t\u00eb drejtat e njeriut, shanset e\nbarabarta, shtetin e s\u00eb drejt\u00ebs, barazin\u00eb gjinore, t\u00eb drejtat e minoriteteve. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Sfidat e reja p\u00ebr Malin e Zi<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ballkani Per\u00ebndimor po jeton sot nj\u00eb\nrealitet t\u00eb ri gjeopolitik, ku shumica e vendeve n\u00eb rajon kan\u00eb zgjedhur\nintegrimin n\u00eb BE. An\u00ebtar\u00ebsimi i Malit t\u00eb Zi n\u00eb NATO e qart\u00ebsoi se cilat vende\nt\u00eb rajonit do t\u00eb jen\u00eb prij\u00ebse n\u00eb rrug\u00ebtimin e integrimeve euro-atlantike. Ajo\nq\u00eb duhet theksuar \u00ebsht\u00eb se, tejkalimi i sfidave t\u00eb reja p\u00ebr Malin e Zi nuk\nduhet t\u00eb kthehet n\u00eb nj\u00eb gar\u00eb hapje-mbyllje kapitujsh, por duhet shfryt\u00ebzuar si\nnj\u00eb moment ku reflektohet mbi cil\u00ebsin\u00eb e procesit t\u00eb integrimit. Shoq\u00ebria\nmalazeze ka ende rrug\u00eb t\u00eb gjat\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb n\u00eb tejkalimin e vetes, p\u00ebr t\u00eb\nvendosur bazat e nj\u00eb zhvillimi t\u00eb qendruesh\u00ebm ekonomik, politik dhe kulturor.\nN\u00ebse rryma t\u00eb ndryshme, her\u00eb pas here kan\u00eb dashur t\u00eb ndikojn\u00eb n\u00eb drejtimin\ngjeopolitik t\u00eb vendit, duke e penguar n\u00eb rrug\u00ebn e zhvillimit, ky \u00ebsht\u00eb momenti i\nduhur kur shoq\u00ebria malazeze duhet t\u00eb reflektoj\u00eb dhe t\u00eb jet\u00eb e qart\u00eb rreth\n\u00e7\u00ebshtjes thelb\u00ebsore \u2013 cilat vlera do t\u00eb\np\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsoj\u00eb n\u00eb t\u00eb ardhmen?<\/em> N\u00eb\nk\u00ebrkim t\u00eb p\u00ebrgjigjes, duhet t\u00eb kuptojm\u00eb se edhe n\u00eb\nmomente t\u00eb v\u00ebshtira si ky, kur luhatjet n\u00eb Per\u00ebndim po keqinterpretohen dhe po keqshfryt\u00ebzohen,\nformat e mbrojtjes s\u00eb interesave komb\u00ebtare t\u00eb shoq\u00ebrive per\u00ebndimore nuk\nkusht\u00ebzohen nga patriarkati. Patriotizmi i shoq\u00ebrive p\u00ebrendimore konsiston n\u00eb\nmbrojtjen e institucioneve dhe ndarjen e fuqive mes tyre. T\u00eb jesh patriot do t\u00eb\nthot\u00eb t\u2019i p\u00ebrkushtosh me gjith\u00eb qenien t\u00ebnde ides\u00eb s\u00eb nj\u00eb vendi ku e drejta gjithmon\u00eb\nprevalon mbi patriarkun, ku t\u00eb gjith\u00eb g\u00ebzojn\u00eb shanse t\u00eb barabarta, vendi ku\nbarazia gjinore dhe t\u00eb drejtat e minoriteteve jan\u00eb premis\u00eb e zhvillimeve\ndemokratizuese, pluralizmi i mendimeve, q\u00ebndrimeve, bot\u00ebkuptimeve, llojshm\u00ebris\u00eb\ne kulturave, p\u00ebrceptohen si vlera, dhe jo k\u00ebrc\u00ebnime, dhe t\u00eb tilla mbrohen me\nligj. P\u00ebrb\u00ebrja unike, multikulturore e shoq\u00ebris\u00eb malazeze p\u00ebrb\u00ebn potencialin e\nsaj m\u00eb t\u00eb madh dhe nj\u00eb kapital t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm n\u00eb hart\u00ebn e gj\u00ebr\u00eb europiane. K\u00ebt\u00eb\nduhet ta \u00e7moj\u00eb, pasi nuk jan\u00eb kufijt\u00eb gjeografik ata q\u00eb historikisht kan\u00eb ndar\u00eb\nLindjen nga Per\u00ebndimi. P\u00ebrpara se ta trajtojm\u00eb si \u00e7\u00ebshtje politike, integrimin\ne vlerave per\u00ebndimore duhet ta konsiderojm\u00eb si nj\u00eb proces t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm dhe t\u00eb\nvazhduesh\u00ebm internalizimi<\/em> t\u00eb kultur\u00ebs\nper\u00ebndimore. Pavar\u00ebsisht trash\u00ebgimis\u00eb s\u00eb trazuar historike, ne duhet t\u00eb besojm\u00eb\nthell\u00ebsisht se vlerat p\u00ebrendimore jan\u00eb shtrati ku do t\u00eb rip\u00ebrt\u00ebrihet Mali i Zi.<\/p>\n\n\n\n


\nTeksti \u00ebsht\u00eb shkruar n\u00eb prill, 2018.<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Publikohet p\u00ebr here t\u00eb par\u00eb m\u00eb 13 mars, 2019.<\/em><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

PAutore: Drita Llolla N\u00eb v\u00ebshtrimin e ontologjis\u00eb, realiteti \u00ebsht\u00eb fenomen relativ. N\u00eb baz\u00eb t\u00eb k\u00ebtij konstatimi, themi q\u00eb nuk ekziston nj\u00eb realitet i vet\u00ebm, por realitete t\u00eb ndrysh\u00ebm q\u00eb bashk\u00ebjetojn\u00eb. N\u00ebse i qasemi me k\u00ebt\u00eb frym\u00eb p\u00ebrshkrimit t\u00eb identitetit malazez, duke u bazuar n\u00eb analiza t\u00eb mir\u00ebfillta t\u00eb proceseve shoq\u00ebrore, kohore dhe historike, arrijm\u00eb n\u00eb […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":22060,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_seopress_robots_primary_cat":"","_seopress_titles_title":"","_seopress_titles_desc":"","_seopress_robots_index":"","footnotes":""},"categories":[2,12],"tags":[261],"class_list":["post-22092","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-aktualitet","category-opinione","tag-drita-llolla"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/ulqini-online.com\/sajti\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/22092","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/ulqini-online.com\/sajti\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/ulqini-online.com\/sajti\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/ulqini-online.com\/sajti\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/ulqini-online.com\/sajti\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcomments&post=22092"}],"version-history":[{"count":2,"href":"https:\/\/ulqini-online.com\/sajti\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/22092\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":22096,"href":"https:\/\/ulqini-online.com\/sajti\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/22092\/revisions\/22096"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/ulqini-online.com\/sajti\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/media\/22060"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/ulqini-online.com\/sajti\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fmedia&parent=22092"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/ulqini-online.com\/sajti\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcategories&post=22092"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/ulqini-online.com\/sajti\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Ftags&post=22092"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}