{"id":18754,"date":"2018-04-22T13:04:52","date_gmt":"2018-04-22T11:04:52","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/ulqini-online.com\/sajti\/?p=18754"},"modified":"2018-04-22T15:23:39","modified_gmt":"2018-04-22T13:23:39","slug":"multikultura-dhe-politika","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/ulqini-online.com\/sajti\/?p=18754","title":{"rendered":"MULTIKULTURA\u00a0 DHE POLITIKA"},"content":{"rendered":"

\u00a0<\/strong><\/p>\n

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Shkruan Nik\u00eb Gashaj<\/strong><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/strong><\/p>\n

\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 \u00a0Ngritja e masave dhe kriza e elitave<\/strong><\/p>\n

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Shekulli XX ka filluar n\u00eb shenj\u00eb t\u00eb zgjimit t\u00eb masave, kurse themeluesit e psikologjis\u00eb dhe sociologjis\u00eb s\u00eb masave, sikurse thot\u00eb profesori Serge Moskovici, nga universiteti i Cambridges kan\u00eb qen\u00eb t\u00eb bindur se masat do t\u00eb triumfojn\u00eb. Mir\u00ebpo, ka ndodh\u00eb q\u00eb, nj\u00eb pjes\u00eb e madhe t\u00eb shekullit t\u00eb kaluar kaloi n\u00eb shenj\u00eb t\u00eb lider\u00ebve politik\u00eb t\u00eb fuqish\u00ebm dhe karizmatik\u00eb, sikurse kan\u00eb qen\u00eb: Lenini, Stalini, Musolini, Mao Ce Duni, Kastro etj.<\/p>\n

K\u00ebtu raporti midis masave dhe lider\u00ebve nuk paraqet nj\u00eb kund\u00ebrth\u00ebnie reale, sepse masat dhe lider\u00ebt n\u00eb esenc\u00eb jan\u00eb dy fytyra t\u00eb nj\u00eb dukurie. Sikurse lider\u00ebt q\u00eb p\u00ebr suksesin e tyre m\u00eb s\u00eb tep\u00ebrmi duhet t’i falenderohen \u00a0procesit t\u00eb “masifikimit” (“t\u00eb shnd\u00ebrrimit t\u00eb qytetar\u00ebve n\u00eb mas\u00eb” ose sikurse ka th\u00ebn\u00eb Le Bon n\u00eb “grumbull – turm\u00eb”), ashtu edhe masat k\u00ebrkojn\u00eb dhe i gjejn\u00eb lider\u00ebt t\u00eb cil\u00ebt u p\u00ebrgjigjen. Nd\u00ebrkaq, n\u00eb fund t\u00eb shekullit t\u00eb kaluar dhe n\u00eb fillim t\u00eb shekullit XXI, sikurse po p\u00ebrs\u00ebriten dukurit\u00eb e koh\u00ebs s\u00eb kaluar historike.<\/p>\n

Masat p\u00ebrs\u00ebri jan\u00eb zgjuar dhe po ngriten. N\u00eb shoq\u00ebrit\u00eb e zhvilluara industriale dhe demokratike t\u00eb Per\u00ebndimit gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb tep\u00ebr ka qytetar\u00eb t\u00eb pak\u00ebnaqur, t\u00eb cil\u00ebt nevoj\u00ebn p\u00ebr nd\u00ebrrimin e gjendjes ekzistuese e tregojn\u00eb n\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet t\u00eb shoqatave dhe iniciativave t\u00eb shumta qytetare. Jemi d\u00ebshmitar\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00eb rritjeje t\u00eb madhe t\u00eb l\u00ebvizjeve t\u00eb reja dhe t\u00eb ndryshme shoq\u00ebrore, si dhe formave t\u00eb tjera t\u00eb organizimit jopolitik, joqeveritar dhe joprofitabil.<\/p>\n

Dhjet\u00ebvjet\u00ebshi i fundit n\u00eb k\u00ebto shoq\u00ebri ka kaluar n\u00eb shenj\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrhapjes dhe t\u00eb intensifikimit t\u00eb madh t\u00eb l\u00ebvizjeve shoq\u00ebrore dhe grupeve t\u00eb ashtuquajtura alternative neofeministe, antinukleare, paq\u00ebsore, ekologjike etj. Iniciativat dhe l\u00ebvizjet p\u00ebr t\u00eb drejtat e njeriut, p\u00ebr shkoll\u00ebn e re, p\u00ebr medicin\u00ebn alternative, l\u00ebvizje p\u00ebr p\u00ebrkrahje psikologjike, l\u00ebvizje p\u00ebr teknologji alternative dhe energji, p\u00ebr ushqimin e sh\u00ebndosh\u00eb, p\u00ebr trupin e sh\u00ebndosh\u00eb, l\u00ebvizjet e grupeve pakic\u00eb seksuale, l\u00ebvizjet neoreligjioze t\u00eb llojeve t\u00eb ndryshme.<\/p>\n

T\u00eb gjitha k\u00ebto forma t\u00eb organizimit shoq\u00ebror p\u00ebrmbajn\u00eb n\u00eb vete n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb eksplicite ose implicite iden\u00eb komplementare t\u00eb t\u00eb drejtave t\u00eb pakicave, n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00ebn e vet ato p\u00ebrmbajn\u00eb edhe stilin edhe bot\u00ebkuptimin e jet\u00ebs.<\/p>\n

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\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Turri i masave<\/strong><\/p>\n

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Ish vendet socialiste t\u00eb Europ\u00ebs Q\u00ebndrore dhe Lindore n\u00eb kalim prej vitit 1980 e k\u00ebtej i ka kapur nj\u00eb val\u00eb e v\u00ebrtet\u00eb e nd\u00ebrrimeve masive demokratike politike p\u00ebr t\u00eb cilat zakonisht p\u00ebrdoret nocioni “revolucioni pluralist”. Pa nj\u00eb presion demokratik nga posht\u00eb dhe pa nj\u00eb refuzim t\u00eb d\u00ebgjuashm\u00ebris\u00eb s\u00eb masave, r\u00ebnia e regjimeve politike nuk do t\u00eb kishte qen\u00eb as aq shpejt, as pa paq\u00ebsore.<\/p>\n

Ngritja e masave nuk i ka kursyer as vendet e shumta t\u00eb bot\u00ebs s\u00eb tret\u00eb. N\u00ebn presionin demokratik t\u00eb masave kan\u00eb p\u00ebrfunduar diktatura t\u00eb shumta ushtarake n\u00eb Ameriken Latine. N\u00eb Afrik\u00ebn Jugore para vrullit t\u00eb shumic\u00ebs s\u00eb popullat\u00ebs zezake definitivisht ka r\u00ebn\u00eb regjimi i aparthejdit. Nd\u00ebrkaq as turri i masave nuk ka gjithmon\u00eb cil\u00ebsi pozitive. N\u00eb disa vende t\u00eb Azis\u00eb dhe Afrik\u00ebs nj\u00eb pjes\u00eb e masave \u00ebsht\u00eb e perfshir\u00eb me nj\u00eb influenc\u00eb t\u00eb madhe t\u00eb religjionit, \u00e7ka jep nj\u00eb baz\u00eb sociale n\u00eb dukurin\u00eb e fundamentalizmit fetar (\u00e7ka ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht i karakterizon disa vende islamike).<\/p>\n

N\u00eb disa vende t\u00eb Per\u00ebndimit nj\u00eb pjes\u00eb e pak\u00ebnaq\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb masave kanalizohet edhe n\u00eb drejtim t\u00eb grupacioneve ekstreme politike, pastaj formacionet politike t\u00eb s\u00eb djatht\u00ebs ekstreme p\u00ebrfitojn\u00eb nj\u00eb p\u00ebrkrahje t\u00eb gj\u00ebr\u00eb dhe t\u00eb papritur n\u00eb trupin elektoral (shembulli, Lepen n\u00eb Franc\u00eb).<\/p>\n

Ajo \u00e7ka m\u00eb s\u00eb tep\u00ebrmi shqet\u00ebson dhe brengos \u00ebsht\u00eb platforma politike n\u00eb baz\u00eb t\u00eb s\u00eb cil\u00ebs arrihen rezultatet e tilla, platform\u00eb ajo e cila p\u00ebrmban q\u00ebndrime t\u00eb shumta neofashiste n\u00eb pik\u00ebpmaje t\u00eb t\u00eb drejtave t\u00eb qytetar\u00ebve t\u00eb huaj, ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht t\u00eb pun\u00ebtor\u00ebve si dhe n\u00eb pik\u00ebpamje t\u00eb pakicave.<\/p>\n

Ndon\u00ebse shumica e atyre shoq\u00ebrive e kan\u00eb shpallur multikulturalizmin si vler\u00eb t\u00eb lart\u00eb d\u00ebshiruese, n\u00eb jet\u00ebn praktike mund t\u00eb v\u00ebrehen tendencat q\u00eb t\u00eb drejtat e pakicave shoq\u00ebrore t\u00eb profileve t\u00eb ndryshme t\u00eb vihen n\u00eb pyetje.<\/p>\n

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\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Mungesa e liderve t\u00eb m\u00ebdhenj<\/strong><\/p>\n

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N\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn koh\u00eb, n\u00eb horizontin politik\u00eb bot\u00ebror nuk ka lider t\u00eb m\u00ebdhenj politik\u00eb, madje as politikan\u00eb t\u00eb formatit t\u00eb gjer\u00eb, t\u00eb cil\u00ebt me vizionet e veta do t\u00eb mundeshin t\u00eb afrojn\u00eb p\u00ebrgjigje strategjike mbi \u00e7\u00ebshtjen se kah po shkon bota sot. N\u00eb qiellin politik bashk\u00ebkohor nuk ka asnj\u00eb yll q\u00eb mund t\u00eb krahasohej me shk\u00eblq\u00ebsin\u00eb e Ruzveltit, \u00c7\u00ebr\u00e7ilit, De Gollit, Kenedit ose nd\u00ebrkaq, t\u00eb Gandit, Titos, Nehrit. Ajo munges\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb dhe aq m\u00eb e r\u00ebnd\u00eb duke qen\u00eb se pik\u00ebrisht bota sot kalon n\u00ebp\u00ebr nj\u00eb periudh\u00eb shprehimisht t\u00eb l\u00ebkundshme, jostabile dhe me konflikte.<\/p>\n

Sikurse po marrim pjes\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb kriz\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrgjithshme elitare t\u00eb tipit t\u00eb vjet\u00ebr, nd\u00ebrsa format e reja t\u00eb reprodukimit t\u00eb elitave akoma nuk jan\u00eb t\u00eb vendosura. Kriza e elitave n\u00eb praktik\u00eb manifestohet si kriz\u00eb udh\u00ebqjes, prandaj n\u00eb analizat neokonservative dhe postkomuniste mund t\u00eb v\u00ebrejm\u00eb vler\u00ebsimet mbi kapacitetet e zvog\u00ebluara t\u00eb udh\u00ebheqjes ose t\u00eb drejtimit me shtetet bashk\u00ebkohore.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb an\u00ebn tjet\u00ebr, sikurse p\u00ebrs\u00ebri po marrim pjes\u00eb n\u00eb zgjimin e masave dhe n\u00eb daljen e tyre n\u00eb sken\u00ebn shoq\u00ebrore dhe politike. Por k\u00ebsaj here, p\u00ebr dallim prej fillimit t\u00eb shekullit t\u00eb kaluar ngritja e masave ka nj\u00eb cil\u00ebsi specifike. Masat paraqiten n\u00eb sken\u00ebn shoq\u00ebrore jo n\u00eb form\u00eb amorfe, por parimisht, n\u00ebn shenj\u00ebn e p\u00ebrkat\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb vet etnike.<\/p>\n

Zgjimi i s\u00ebrish\u00ebm i ndjenjave nacionale dhe forcimi i l\u00ebvizjeve nacionaliste paraqet nj\u00ebr\u00ebn nga karakteristikat e r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme t\u00eb dhjet\u00eb vjet\u00ebshit t\u00eb fundit. Trendi i till\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb ngusht i lidhur me procesin i cili mund t\u00eb quhet etnifikimi i politik\u00ebs.<\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/strong><\/p>\n

\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Mobilizimi i resurseve t\u00eb identiteteve komb\u00ebtare<\/strong><\/p>\n

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Implozioni i socializmit ka shkuar n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb simultane me eksplodimin e nacionalizmit. Shkat\u00ebrrimi i socializmit, ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht n\u00eb shoq\u00ebtrit\u00eb multietnike dhe shtetet federative, pjes\u00ebrisht ka qen\u00eb i shkaktuar, dhe gjithsesi i shpejtuar, n\u00ebn presionin e nj\u00eb vale t\u00eb re dhe t\u00eb fuqishme t\u00eb nacionalizmit. Nj\u00ebri nga historian\u00ebt m\u00eb t\u00eb njohur, Erik Hobsbaum, nacionalzimin bashk\u00ebkohor postkomunist e ka quajtur nacionaliz\u00ebm separatist.<\/p>\n

Nga ana tjet\u00ebr, r\u00ebnia e socializmit ka pasur edhe dometh\u00ebnien e r\u00ebnies s\u00eb nj\u00eb sistemi t\u00eb t\u00ebr\u00eb t\u00eb vlerave, \u00e7ka nd\u00ebr t\u00eb tjera e ka hapur dhe shtuar kriz\u00ebn e identitetit kolektiv. Nacionalizmi \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb nj\u00ebri nga p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsit mbi kriz\u00ebn e identitetit kolektiv, q\u00eb i ka kapur shoq\u00ebrit\u00eb e shumta bashk\u00ebkohore.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb shoq\u00ebrit\u00eb ekskomuniste lider\u00ebt dhe elitat e reja politike e kan\u00eb grabitur at\u00eb resurs t\u00eb identitetit, t\u00eb cilin e kan\u00eb pasur m\u00eb s\u00eb af\u00ebrmi dhe m\u00eb s\u00eb lehti p\u00ebr ta aktivizuar. Mir\u00ebpo, duhet t\u00eb theksojm\u00eb se as masat nuk jan\u00eb krejt\u00ebsisht t\u00eb pafajshme dhe sjelljet e tyre t\u00eb shpeshta militante, agresive dhe jotolerante, jan\u00eb s\u00eb gjithash ndaj pjes\u00ebtar\u00ebve t\u00eb kombeve t\u00eb tjera nuk mund t\u00eb jen\u00eb t\u00eb shpjeguara dhe t\u00eb arsyetuara.<\/p>\n

Mobilizimi i resursit t\u00eb identitetit nacional ka qen\u00eb i mundur edhe p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb instrumentalizmit relativisht t\u00eb leht\u00eb t\u00eb ndjenjave nacionale p\u00ebr send\u00ebrtimin e q\u00ebllimeve politike t\u00eb caktuar dhe para s\u00eb gjithash redistribuimin dhe alokacionin e ri t\u00eb forc\u00ebs politike dhe p\u00ebr vendosjen e formave t\u00eb reja t\u00eb dominimit politik.<\/p>\n

Teza e sociologut t\u00eb njohur politik nga Gjermania, Claus Offe, mbi etnifikimin e politik\u00ebs (“ethnification of the politics”) n\u00eb nj\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb shum\u00eb adekuate e shpjegon at\u00eb \u00e7ka ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht ndodh n\u00eb shoq\u00ebrit\u00eb n\u00eb tranzicion. Autori n\u00eb fjal\u00eb tregon se etnifikimi i politik\u00ebs paraqitet si di\u00e7ka tragjike n\u00eb mikroplanin individual dhe n\u00eb makroplanin kolektiv.<\/p>\n

Teza mbi etnifikimin e politik\u00ebs e zhvler\u00ebson besimin, i cili ka qen\u00eb gjer\u00ebsisht i p\u00ebrhapur se koha e nacionalizmit ka kaluar p\u00ebrgjithmon\u00eb dhe se tani gjendemi n\u00eb periudh\u00ebn e shoq\u00ebrive multinacionale dhe multikulturore dhe q\u00eb po ashtu jemi n\u00eb prag t\u00eb er\u00ebs postnacionale.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb qoft\u00ebse e pranojm\u00eb intenc\u00ebn e tez\u00ebs mbi etnifikimin e politik\u00ebs at\u00ebher\u00eb duhet t\u00eb pyesim, a ekzistojn\u00eb disa arsye t\u00eb thella t\u00eb rritjes s\u00eb re t\u00eb nacionalizmit, i cili gjithsesi \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb evident n\u00eb vendet postkomuniste, por si fenomen \u00ebsht\u00eb i pranish\u00ebm edhe n\u00eb shum\u00eb vende t\u00eb demokracis\u00eb perendimore.<\/p>\n

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\u00a0<\/strong><\/p>\n

\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Manifestimi i p\u00ebrleshjeve nd\u00ebrnacionale si konflikt i identiteve<\/strong><\/p>\n

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N\u00eb kushtet e etnifikimit t\u00eb politk\u00ebs vijat kryesore t\u00eb ndarjeve politike dhe format kryesore t\u00eb p\u00ebrleshjeve kryesore, b\u00ebhen konflikte t\u00eb identiteteve kolektive. P\u00ebr dallim prej konflikteve t\u00eb zakonshme t\u00eb interesave t\u00eb ndryshme, konfliktet e identiteteve (n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb rast konfliktet etnike) kan\u00eb disa cil\u00ebsi specifike, t\u00eb cilat kan\u00eb mundur t\u00eb v\u00ebrehen qart\u00eb n\u00eb map\u00ebn e konflikteve t\u00eb ish Jugosllavis\u00eb socialiste.<\/p>\n

Cil\u00ebsia e par\u00eb dhe m\u00eb e dukshme e konfliktit t\u00eb identiteteve n\u00eb p\u00ebrgjithsi, nd\u00ebrsa t\u00eb konflikteve etnike ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht, \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb ngarkes\u00eb e madhe emocionale, nj\u00eb novel i lart\u00eb i pasioneve dhe i ndjenjave t\u00eb t\u00eb gjith\u00ebve, ose t\u00eb shumic\u00ebs s\u00eb akter\u00ebve t\u00eb p\u00ebrzier n\u00eb konflikt.<\/p>\n

Mu p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb arsye ato lloje konfliktesh shpesh, n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb jo adekuate, quhen konflikte iracionale. Ndarja sipas s\u00eb cil\u00ebs konflikti i interesave materiale i takon grupit racional, nd\u00ebrsa konfliktet nd\u00ebretnike i p\u00ebrksain grupit t\u00eb p\u00ebrleshjeve iracionale nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb e sakt\u00eb, sepse nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb fjala mbi kund\u00ebrshtimet dhe dallimet mbi cil\u00ebsit\u00eb racionale apo iracionale t\u00eb konflikteve, por p\u00ebr faktin se p\u00ebr kuptimin e konflikteve etnike komponenta racionale nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb e mjaftueshme.<\/p>\n

P\u00ebrndryshe, emocionet dhe p\u00ebrmbajtjet e tjera t\u00eb pranishme mbi k\u00ebt\u00eb lloj t\u00eb konflikteve nuk duhet t\u00eb jen\u00eb, parimisht ato as nuk jan\u00eb iracionale. E dyta, n\u00eb konfliktet e identiteteve si ato individuale dhe kolektive, shpesh mund t\u00eb v\u00ebrehet gadishm\u00ebria e pal\u00ebve ne konflikt t\u00eb sakrifikojn\u00eb interesat e veta ekonomike dhe t\u00eb tjera (madje dhe jet\u00ebn) n\u00ebqoft\u00ebse e vler\u00ebsojn\u00eb se realisht ose potencialisht iu \u00ebsht\u00eb rrezikuar identiteti.<\/p>\n

Ashtu ndodh q\u00eb sjelljet e akter\u00ebve n\u00eb konfliktin nd\u00ebretnik na duken iracionale, si dhe drejtp\u00ebrs\u00ebdrejti t\u00eb d\u00ebmshme p\u00ebr ata vet\u00eb, nd\u00ebrsa n\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn koh\u00eb aketer\u00ebt n\u00eb konflikt ose ato t\u00eb cil\u00ebt e mbrojn\u00eb pozicionin e tyre, gjejn\u00eb arsyetime p\u00ebr sjelljet e tilla duke u thirrur n\u00eb pozicionin dhe pik\u00ebpmajet emotive, morale dhe historike, apo t\u00eb nj\u00eb sistemi t\u00eb vlerave n\u00eb p\u00ebrgjith\u00ebsi.<\/p>\n

Cil\u00ebsia e tret\u00eb e k\u00ebtyre konflikteve lidhet me at\u00eb t\u00eb sip\u00ebrp\u00ebrmendurin. Prania e pasioneve dhe e ndjenjave me nj\u00eb intensitet t\u00eb lart\u00eb, e kusht\u00ebzon dhe e shpjegon pjes\u00ebrisht faktin se fjala \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebr tipin e konflikteve q\u00eb mund t\u00eb quhet eskluziv.<\/p>\n

Ato jan\u00eb konflikte shoq\u00ebrore t\u00eb cilat parimisht i p\u00ebrkasin tipit t\u00eb konflikteve ose\/ose, respektivisht jan\u00eb konfliktet n\u00eb t\u00eb cilat shkalla e eskluzivitetit \u00ebsht\u00eb jasht\u00ebzakonisht e madhe, n\u00eb nj\u00ebr\u00ebn an\u00eb nd\u00ebrsa niveli i toleranc\u00ebs n\u00eb an\u00ebn tjet\u00ebr, \u00ebsht\u00eb shum\u00eb i ul\u00ebt.<\/p>\n

P\u00ebrndryshe, rrezikimi i identitetit social t\u00eb ndonj\u00eb grupi shoq\u00ebror shpie deri te reaksione t\u00eb ngjashme si dhe situata t\u00eb rrezikimit t\u00eb identitetit t\u00eb individit, i cili angazhohet me t\u00ebr\u00eb fuqin\u00eb e vet p\u00ebr mbrojtjen e identitetit personal.<\/p>\n

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\u00a0<\/strong><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/strong><\/p>\n

\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0Etnifikimi i politik\u00ebs dhe pakicat komb\u00ebtare <\/strong><\/p>\n

E kat\u00ebrta, cil\u00ebsi me r\u00ebnd\u00ebsi e konfliktit t\u00eb identiteteve, n\u00eb kuad\u00ebr t\u00eb saj dhe t\u00eb p\u00ebrleshjeve nd\u00ebrnacionale apo etnike \u00ebsht\u00eb edhe prania e rolit t\u00eb frik\u00ebs. Ajo \u00ebsht\u00eb frika nga tjetri, frika nga grupi etnik i cili konsiderohet si kund\u00ebrshtar. Dhe sikurse n\u00eb organizimin e nj\u00ebriut elementet e kanosura n\u00eb situatat e rrezikshme me t\u00eb shpejt\u00eb b\u00ebjn\u00eb sekrecion apo tajitjet e disa l\u00ebngj\u00ebve nga gj\u00ebndrrat e trupit, ashtu edhe n\u00eb indin shoq\u00ebror disa bashk\u00ebsi n\u00eb kushtet e frik\u00ebs bashkojn\u00eb nj\u00eb energji sociale, e cila pret p\u00ebr t\u00eb eksploduar. Pa marr\u00eb parasysh se a \u00ebsht\u00eb frika e arsyeshme ose si\u00e7 ndodh\u00eb nganj\u00ebher\u00eb q\u00eb ajo t\u00eb r\u00ectrillohet dhe t\u00eb imagjinohet, ajo b\u00ebhet nj\u00ebsoj nj\u00eb fakt real dhe objektiv, i cili dikton sjelljen e grupeve etnike n\u00eb konflikt. Konfliktet nd\u00ebretnike n\u00eb hap\u00ebsir\u00ebn e ish – Jugoslavis\u00eb socialiste jan\u00eb shembull i shkoqitur dhe i qart\u00eb q\u00eb e verteton k\u00ebt\u00eb. Nj\u00eb komponent i r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm i frik\u00ebs \u00ebsht\u00eb situata e pasiguris\u00eb, e cila b\u00ebn nj\u00eb presion t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00eb n\u00eb gjendjen psikike t\u00eb njer\u00ebzve.<\/p>\n

\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 K\u00ebrkesa p\u00ebr vet\u00ebvendosje nacionale<\/strong><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/strong><\/p>\n

E pesta, p\u00ebr arsye t\u00eb nj\u00eb logjike t\u00eb konflikteve t\u00eb tilla “krejt ose asgj\u00eb”, hap\u00ebsira p\u00ebr t\u00eb gjetur nj\u00eb em\u00ebrues t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt ose zgjidhje kompromise \u00ebsht\u00eb rrept\u00ebsisht e zvog\u00ebluar, \u00ebsht\u00eb v\u00ebshtir\u00eb p\u00ebr ta definuar dhe m\u00eb v\u00ebshtir\u00eb p\u00ebr ta realizuar. Parimisht, ato jan\u00eb situata n\u00eb t\u00eb cilat minimumi i k\u00ebrkesave t\u00eb nj\u00ebr\u00ebs pal\u00eb n\u00eb konflikt k\u00ebrkon l\u00ebshime apo koncesione maksimale t\u00eb pal\u00ebs tjet\u00ebr n\u00eb konflikt. Nj\u00eb shembull tipik p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb k\u00ebrkesa p\u00ebr vet\u00ebvendosje nacionale deri te ndarja apo shk\u00ebputja e cila n\u00eb hap\u00ebsir\u00ebn e ish – Jugosllavis\u00eb socialiste pal\u00ebt n\u00eb konflikt shpesh i ka prur\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb pozicion shum\u00eb t\u00eb pavolitsh\u00ebm p\u00ebrkitazi me mund\u00ebsin\u00eb e zgjidhjes s\u00eb konflikteve. P\u00ebr ish republikat e Jogosllavis\u00eb dhe ish krahinat autonome t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs, t\u00eb cilat kan\u00eb d\u00ebshiruar t\u00eb b\u00ebhen shtete t\u00eb pavarura, k\u00ebrkesa p\u00ebr vet\u00ebvendosje, nga k\u00ebndi i shikimit t\u00eb tyre ka qen\u00eb i arsyesh\u00ebm dhe legjitim.<\/p>\n

Nga pik\u00ebpamja e t\u00eb gjitha atyre forcave sociale, politike, nacionale dhe ushtarake n\u00eb krye me udh\u00ebheq\u00ebsin\u00eb shtet\u00ebrore t\u00eb Serbis\u00eb, t\u00eb cil\u00ebt gjoja e kan\u00eb mbrojtur unitetin dhe sovranitetin e bashk\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb m\u00ebparshme shtet\u00ebrore Jugosllave, k\u00ebrkesat e tilla kan\u00eb qen\u00eb t\u00eb cil\u00ebsuara si secesioniste dhe t\u00eb papranueshme.<\/p>\n

\u00cbsht\u00eb e kuptueshme se nd\u00ebrmjet atyre dy pik\u00ebpamjeve dhe q\u00ebndrimeve ka qen\u00eb v\u00ebshtir\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb vihet deri te zgjidhja kompromise, ashtu q\u00eb t\u00eb gjitha projektet mbi “federat\u00ebn asimetrike”, “federat\u00ebn -konfederat\u00ebn” dhe “konfederat\u00ebn” d\u00ebshtuar relativisht leht\u00eb.<\/p>\n

E gjashta, konfliktet e identiteteve, ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht konfliktet nd\u00ebretnike kan\u00eb paraqitur nj\u00eb veprim t\u00eb rreziksh\u00ebm, t\u00eb d\u00ebmsh\u00ebm dhe shkat\u00ebrrues, t\u00eb cilat n\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet nj\u00eb induksioni social i forcojn\u00eb ato ndjenja t\u00eb cilat i kan\u00eb nxitur.<\/p>\n

Nj\u00ebra nga manifestimet e saj \u00ebsht\u00eb edhe nj\u00eb zgjerim dhe p\u00ebrhapje e nj\u00eb s\u00ebmundjeje ngjit\u00ebse t\u00eb solidaritetit t\u00eb nj\u00eb rrethi m\u00eb t\u00eb gj\u00ebr\u00eb t\u00eb popullat\u00ebs sesa ata t\u00eb cil\u00ebt me t\u00eb drejt\u00eb do t\u00eb mund t-i quajm\u00eb nacionalist\u00eb.<\/p>\n

E shtata, konfliktet etnike n\u00eb hap\u00ebsir\u00ebn e ish Jugosllavis\u00eb kan\u00eb treguar se pjesa e atyre q\u00eb kan\u00eb marr\u00eb nj\u00eb pozicion neutral n\u00eb konflikt ka qen\u00eb m\u00eb i vog\u00ebl dhe se me zhvillimin e konflikteve grupacioni i till\u00eb e ka pasur gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebshtir\u00eb, ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht ka qen\u00eb v\u00ebshtir\u00eb t\u00eb mbetet neutral atje ku intensiteti i konflikteve ka marr\u00eb p\u00ebrmasa t\u00eb m\u00ebdha.<\/p>\n

E teta, n\u00eb natyren dhe n\u00eb tiparet psikologjike t\u00eb k\u00ebtyre llojeve t\u00eb konflikteve \u00ebsht\u00eb e nd\u00ebrtuar spiralja e rritjes, t\u00eb cil\u00ebn ka qen\u00eb v\u00ebshtir\u00eb p\u00ebr ta ndalur. Me fjal\u00eb t\u00eb tjera, n\u00eb qoft\u00eb se konflikti zgjat, at\u00ebher\u00eb ai fiton nj\u00eb p\u00ebrkrahje sociale m\u00eb t\u00eb madhe.<\/p>\n

Ajo m\u00eb tutje do t\u00eb thot\u00eb se lloji i till\u00eb i konfliktit \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb leht\u00eb t\u00eb neutralizohet apo t\u00eb amortizohet n\u00eb fazat fillestare sesa m\u00eb von\u00eb.<\/p>\n

E n\u00ebnta, konfliktet e identiteteve, n\u00eb rradh\u00eb t\u00eb par\u00eb konfliktet nd\u00ebrnacionale, fare leht\u00eb mund t-i shmangen kontrollit. Historia \u00ebsht\u00eb plot shembuj t\u00eb cil\u00ebt tregojn\u00eb se madje edhe ata t\u00eb cil\u00ebt e kan\u00eb nisur, ose q\u00eb kan\u00eb dashur q\u00eb me konflikte t\u00eb tilla t\u00eb manipolojn\u00eb, pas kalimit t\u00eb nj\u00eb pragu t\u00eb caktuar nuk jan\u00eb n\u00eb gjendje q\u00eb nj\u00eb konflikt t\u00eb till\u00eb ta kontrollojn\u00eb apo ta ndalin.<\/p>\n

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\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Roli i fjal\u00ebs dhe i simboleve<\/strong><\/p>\n

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E dhjeta, n\u00eb konfliktin e identiteteve, ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht n\u00eb p\u00ebrleshjet nd\u00ebretnike, roli i fjal\u00ebs dhe i simboleve \u00ebsht\u00eb i madh. D\u00ebmet q\u00eb mund t\u2019i sjellin fjal\u00ebt e pamatura mund t\u00eb b\u00ebhen t\u00eb pakompensueshme dhe t\u00eb pandreqshme.<\/p>\n

Ndoshta efektet m\u00eb negative paraqesin simbolet, ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht ato q\u00eb jan\u00eb t\u00eb ngarkuara me p\u00ebrvojat dhe memorien negative nga e kaluara historike. P\u00ebrdorimi i simboleve \u00e7etnike dhe ustashe e ka b\u00ebr\u00eb t\u00eb themi, konfliktin midis serb\u00ebve dhe kroat\u00ebve m\u00eb tragjik dhe e ka v\u00ebshtir\u00ebsuar zgjidhjen. T\u00eb gjtha k\u00ebto cil\u00ebsi apo karakteristika kan\u00eb qen\u00eb t\u00eb pranishme n\u00eb konfliktet nd\u00ebrnacionale n\u00eb truallin e ish – Jugoslavis\u00eb socialiste dhe jan\u00eb nj\u00eb v\u00ebrtetim i pamohuesh\u00ebm i vler\u00ebsimin mbi politik\u00ebn e etnifikuar.<\/p>\n

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\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Multikultura dhe demokracia<\/strong><\/p>\n

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P\u00ebr arsye t\u00eb problemeve praktike dhe v\u00ebshtir\u00ebsive me t\u00eb cilat jan\u00eb ballafaquar shoq\u00ebrit\u00eb multikulturore dhe multietnike n\u00eb prcesin e tranzicionit nga socializmi real n\u00eb shoq\u00ebrit\u00eb postkomuniste, e ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb shp\u00ebrb\u00ebrjes s\u00eb tri ish -federatave socialiste (Bashkimi Sovjetik, \u00c7ekosllovakia dhe Jugosllavia), shum\u00eb autor\u00eb jan\u00eb t\u00eb gatsh\u00ebm t\u00eb nxjerrin p\u00ebrfundimin se multikultura dhe demokracia jan\u00eb n\u00eb konflikt ose m\u00eb sakt\u00ebsisht se multikultura \u00ebsht\u00eb faktor kufizues dhe penges\u00eb p\u00ebr demokracin\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Analiza e m\u00ebparshme mbi k\u00ebt\u00eb kontekst ofron disa elemente p\u00ebr konkluza t\u00eb tilla, mir\u00ebpo \u00ebsht\u00eb e nevojshme t\u00eb theksojm\u00eb se ajo \u00ebsht\u00eb e mundshme vet\u00ebm n\u00eb kushte t\u00eb caktuara dhe vlen\u00eb vet\u00ebm n\u00eb rrethana specifike. Rrethanat e tilla jan\u00eb, para s\u00eb gjithash, t\u00eb lidhura me procese t\u00eb cilat i kemi quajtur dhe p\u00ebrshkruar me santagm\u00ebn “etnifikimi i politik\u00ebs”.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb koh\u00ebt normale, nd\u00ebrkaq, multikultura m\u00eb tep\u00ebr e favorizon s\u00ebsa e pengon zhvillimin e demokracis\u00eb. M\u00eb s\u00eb pari, n\u00eb vet\u00eb konceptin e multikultur\u00ebs p\u00ebrmbahet ideja e pluralizmit, e cila \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00ebra nga cil\u00ebsit\u00eb qen\u00ebsore t\u00eb demokracis\u00eb. Pastaj, multikultura supozon nj\u00eb nivel t\u00eb caktuar t\u00eb toleranc\u00ebs, t\u00eb respektimit t\u00eb llojllojshm\u00ebris\u00eb dhe t\u00eb njohjes e t\u00eb pranimit t\u00eb tjetrit, n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb mund\u00ebsohet send\u00ebrtimi i jet\u00ebs s\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt.<\/p>\n

Toleranca, nd\u00ebrkaq, \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00ebra nga supozimet e domosdoshme t\u00eb t\u00eb gjitha demokracive. M\u00eb n\u00eb fund, n\u00eb mjediset multikulturore spektri i t\u00eb drejtave demokratike \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb i gj\u00ebr\u00eb, sepse krahas t\u00eb drejtave individuale, k\u00ebrkohen edhe t\u00eb drejtat p\u00ebrkat\u00ebse kolektive t\u00eb grupeve kulturore dhe etnike. Mu p\u00ebr at\u00eb arsye p\u00ebrfundimi \u00ebsht\u00eb se multikulturalizmi paraqet nj\u00eb penges\u00eb p\u00ebr demokracin\u00eb vet\u00ebm n\u00eb kushte t\u00eb caktuara: n\u00eb kushtet e entifikimit ekstem t\u00eb politik\u00ebs dhe n\u00eb kushtet e ngushtimit t\u00eb kuptimit liberal t\u00eb demokracis\u00eb, q\u00eb ky\u00e7 apo p\u00ebrfshin vet\u00ebm t\u00eb drejtat individuale t\u00eb qytetar\u00ebve.<\/p>\n

Ato jan\u00eb kushtet kur pluralizmi i v\u00ebrtet\u00eb politik redukohet dhe transformohet n\u00eb pluralizmin etnik. N\u00eb at\u00eb situat\u00eb fjala \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebr kthimin e bashk\u00ebsis\u00eb politike n\u00eb nj\u00eb bashk\u00ebsi parapolitike. Ato jan\u00eb ato situata n\u00eb t\u00eb cilat koncepti i shumic\u00ebs dhe pakic\u00ebs politike (i cili n\u00eb demokraci \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb raport i ndryshuesh\u00ebm) transformohet n\u00eb nj\u00eb shumic\u00eb dhe pakic\u00eb konstante n\u00eb kuptimin etnik. Etnifikimi i politik\u00ebs, n\u00eb t\u00eb cilin shpesh kan\u00eb marr\u00eb pjes\u00eb edhe partit\u00eb politike t\u00eb pakicave komb\u00ebtare, nuk e ka favorizuar dhe leht\u00ebsuar p\u00ebrmir\u00ebsimin e pozit\u00ebs s\u00eb pakicave etnonacionale dhe ndikimin e tyre n\u00eb proceset politike.<\/p>\n

Sado q\u00eb ting\u00ebllon befasues dhe paradoksal, etnifikimi i politik\u00ebs ka pasur pik\u00ebrisht nj\u00eb efekt t\u00eb kund\u00ebrt n\u00eb pozit\u00ebn politike reale t\u00eb t\u00eb gjitha kombeve t\u00eb cilat n\u00eb nj\u00eb shoq\u00ebri apo pjes\u00eb t\u00eb saj jan\u00eb n\u00eb pakic\u00eb. Kjo ndodh p\u00ebr shkak se si\u00e7 thot\u00eb teoricieni anglez George Schoepflin, “q\u00ebllimi i fundi, natyrisht i paarritsh\u00ebm i ideologjive nacionaliste, \u00ebsht\u00eb \u00ebnd\u00ebrr – ose det i nat\u00ebs – mbi shtetet e past\u00ebr etnik”. Edhe pse, te formimi i kombeve, sikurse thon\u00eb historian\u00ebt, nacionalizmi i paraprin kombit, kur \u00ebsht\u00eb fjala p\u00ebr pakicat komb\u00ebtare situata \u00ebsht\u00eb e kund\u00ebrt- kombi i paraprin nacionalizmit.<\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/strong><\/p>\n

\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Konflikti nd\u00ebrmjet shumic\u00ebs dhe pakicave<\/strong><\/p>\n

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Sikurse te \u00e7do e drejt\u00eb e pakicave, q\u00eb nuk kemi t\u00eb b\u00ebjm\u00eb me t\u00eb drejtat e pakicave komb\u00ebtare v\u00ebrehet edhe m\u00eb qart\u00eb – ekziston instalimi i konfliktit nd\u00ebrmjet interesave t\u00eb shumic\u00ebs, t\u00eb cilat i p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebson shteti (dhe i cili, objektivisht, e favorizon kombin shumic\u00eb) dhe interesave t\u00eb pakicave (p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsimi i t\u00eb cilave gjith\u00ebher\u00eb dhe objektivisht, pra jo vet\u00ebm subjektivisht, \u00ebsht\u00eb i v\u00ebshtir\u00ebsuar).<\/p>\n

N\u00eb qoft\u00eb se nj\u00eb relacion i till\u00eb, potencialisht konfliktuoz, fiton edhe cil\u00ebsi t\u00eb konfliktit t\u00eb identiteteve kolektive (n\u00eb baza t\u00eb ndjenjave t\u00eb p\u00ebrhapura mbi rrezikimin objektiv ose t\u00eb supozuar, t\u00eb imagjinuar dhe t\u00eb trilluar t\u00eb identitetit, t\u00eb nj\u00ebr\u00ebs apo tjetr\u00ebs pal\u00eb), p\u00ebr \u00e7ka tashm\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb fjal\u00eb, at\u00ebher\u00eb konflikti \u00ebsht\u00eb i pashmangsh\u00ebm dhe fiton shum\u00eb p\u00ebrmbajtje dhe karakteristika emotive dhe iracionale.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb qoft\u00eb se konflikti i identiteteve nacionale e kalon nj\u00eb prag t\u00eb caktuar t\u00eb toleranc\u00ebs, zgjidhja e tij n\u00eb kuad\u00ebr t\u00eb nj\u00eb politike normale, e kuptuar si harmonizim i interesave t\u00eb ndryshme, b\u00ebhet shum\u00eb e v\u00ebshtir\u00eb. Madje edhe n\u00ebn supozimin se aranzhmanet politike t\u00eb shoq\u00ebris\u00eb n\u00eb tranzicion jan\u00eb me kapacitete dhe potenciale shum\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb m\u00ebdha sesa q\u00eb jan\u00eb objektivisht (duke marr\u00eb parasysh nivelin relativisht t\u00eb ul\u00ebt t\u00eb kultur\u00ebs politike, t\u00eb ngarkuar me nj\u00eb trash\u00ebgimi nga e kaluara e af\u00ebrt apo e larg\u00ebt etj.), do t\u00eb ishte optimiz\u00ebm i tepruar t\u00eb pritet se mund t\u00eb merren shpejt, leht\u00eb dhe me sukses me problemet e nacionalizmit dhe t\u00eb etnifikimit t\u00eb politik\u00ebs. Llogarin\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb madhe t\u00eb nj\u00eb mossuksesi t\u00eb till\u00eb e paguajn\u00eb gjith\u00ebsesi pakicat. Ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht ajo vlen p\u00ebr shoq\u00ebrit\u00eb n\u00eb t\u00eb cilat tendencat autoritare jan\u00eb shum\u00eb t\u00eb forta dhe t\u00eb cilat oscilojn\u00eb nd\u00ebrmjet “demokracive despotike” dhe t\u00eb “despotive demokratike”.<\/p>\n

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\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Dalja nga situata e pavolitshme- realizim i strategjis\u00eb komplekse<\/strong><\/p>\n

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P\u00ebr t\u00eb dalur nga nj\u00eb situat\u00eb aq e pavolitshme \u00ebsht\u00eb e nevojshme q\u00eb t\u00eb realizohet nj\u00eb strategji komplekse, dhe pik\u00ebrisht n\u00eb nivele t\u00eb ndryshme. N\u00eb nivelin e rendit kushtetues-juridik \u00ebsht\u00eb e domosdoshme t\u00eb vendoset nj\u00eb balanc\u00eb nd\u00ebrmjet t\u00eb drejtave individuale t\u00eb qyteteve dhe t\u00eb drejtave kolektive t\u00eb grupeve etnike, si dhe nj\u00ebfar\u00eb baraspeshe nd\u00ebrmjet t\u00eb drejtave sovrane t\u00eb shtetit dhe demokracis\u00eb s\u00eb nj\u00eb shkalle t\u00eb autonomis\u00eb etnike.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb nj\u00eb plan t\u00eb gjer\u00eb shoq\u00ebror \u00ebsht\u00eb i domosdosh\u00ebm q\u00eb n\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet zhvillimit t\u00eb shoq\u00ebris\u00eb civile t\u00eb vendosen kushtet p\u00ebr zhvillimin e pluralizmit civil etnik n\u00eb vend t\u00eb etnonacionalizmit politik. Me fjal\u00eb t\u00eb tjera n\u00eb kushtet kur t\u00eb gjitha partit\u00eb politike b\u00ebhen parti etnopolitike, \u00ebsht\u00eb e nevojshme t\u00eb b\u00ebhet nd\u00ebrrimi i qendr\u00ebs s\u00eb r\u00ebndes\u00ebs dhe i fush\u00ebs s\u00eb luft\u00ebs p\u00ebr t\u00eb drejtat e pakicave komb\u00ebtare nga nj\u00eb sfer\u00eb e ngusht\u00eb politike n\u00eb nj\u00eb plan m\u00eb t\u00eb gj\u00ebr\u00eb shoq\u00ebror. P\u00ebrkundrazi, partit\u00eb etnopolitike t\u00eb pakicave nuk kan\u00eb gjasa dhe shpresa t\u00eb m\u00ebdha p\u00ebr sukses n\u00eb zgjidhjen e \u00e7\u00ebshtjes s\u00eb pakicave komb\u00ebtare.<\/p>\n

T\u00eb p\u00ebrfundoj: etnifikimi i politik\u00ebs dhe jo multikulturalizmi si i till\u00eb, \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00ebra nga sfidat m\u00eb t\u00eb m\u00ebdha p\u00ebr demokracin\u00eb bashk\u00ebkohore. Teoria demokratike moderne nuk ka p\u00ebrgjigje adekuate p\u00ebr \u00e7\u00ebshtjet t\u00eb cilat dalin nga procesi i politizimit t\u00eb etnicitetit dhe t\u00eb etnifikimit t\u00eb politik\u00ebs. P\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb arsye, si zgjidhje optimale mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb zhvillimi i etnicitetit civil, n\u00eb vend t\u00eb etnicitetit t\u00eb politizuar nacional – dhe ajo duhet t\u00eb vlej\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb gjitha grupet etnike, pavar\u00ebsisht se a u p\u00ebrkasin kombeve shumic\u00eb apo pakicave komb\u00ebtare.<\/p>\n

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 <\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

\u00a0 Shkruan Nik\u00eb Gashaj \u00a0 \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 \u00a0Ngritja e masave dhe kriza e elitave   Shekulli XX ka filluar n\u00eb shenj\u00eb t\u00eb zgjimit t\u00eb masave, kurse themeluesit e psikologjis\u00eb dhe sociologjis\u00eb s\u00eb masave, sikurse thot\u00eb profesori Serge Moskovici, nga universiteti i Cambridges kan\u00eb qen\u00eb t\u00eb bindur se masat do t\u00eb triumfojn\u00eb. Mir\u00ebpo, ka ndodh\u00eb q\u00eb, nj\u00eb […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":14722,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_seopress_robots_primary_cat":"","_seopress_titles_title":"","_seopress_titles_desc":"","_seopress_robots_index":"","footnotes":""},"categories":[2,12],"tags":[1807,1180],"class_list":["post-18754","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-aktualitet","category-opinione","tag-multikultura-dhe-politika","tag-nik-gashaj"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/ulqini-online.com\/sajti\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/18754","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/ulqini-online.com\/sajti\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/ulqini-online.com\/sajti\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/ulqini-online.com\/sajti\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/ulqini-online.com\/sajti\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcomments&post=18754"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/ulqini-online.com\/sajti\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/18754\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":18755,"href":"https:\/\/ulqini-online.com\/sajti\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/18754\/revisions\/18755"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/ulqini-online.com\/sajti\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/media\/14722"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/ulqini-online.com\/sajti\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fmedia&parent=18754"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/ulqini-online.com\/sajti\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcategories&post=18754"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/ulqini-online.com\/sajti\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Ftags&post=18754"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}